Foxe’s Book of Martyrs




Actes and Monuments of these Latter and Perillous Days, 

Touching Matters of the Church






Holy Bible
By John Foxe
First published in 1563 by the Protestant John Day
Essential Reading







Contents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 


 

 

History of Christian Martyrs to the First
General Persecutions Under Nero

I. St. Stephen.

This early martyr was elected, with six others, as a deacon of the first Christian church. He was also an able and successful preacher. The principal persons belonging to five Jewish synagogues entered into dispute with him; but he, by the soundness of his doctrine, and the strength of his arguments, overcame them all, which so much irritated them, that they bribed false witnesses to accuse him of blaspheming God and Moses. On being carried before the council, he made a noble defence; but this so much exasperated his judges, that they resolved to condemn him. At the instant Stephen saw a vision from heaven, representing Jesus, in his glorified state, sitting at the right hand of God. This vision so enraptured him, that he exclaimed, "Behold I see the heavens open, and the Son of Man standing on the right hand of God." This caused him to be condemned, and having dragged him out of the city they stoned him to death. On the spot where he was martyred, Eudocia, the empress of Theodosius, erected a superb church, and the memory of the martyr is annually celebrated on the 26th day of December.

The death of Stephen was succeeded by a severe persecution in Jerusalem, in which 2000 Christians, with Nicanor the deacon, were martyred, and many others obliged to leave their country.

II. St. James the Great.

He was a Galilean, and the son of Zebedee, a fisherman, the elder brother of St. John, and related to Christ himself; for his mother Salome was cousin to the Virgin Mary. Being one day with his father fishing in the sea of Galilee, he and his brother John were called by the Saviour to become his disciples. They cheerfully obeyed the mandate, and leaving their father, followed Jesus. It is to be observed, that Christ placed greater confidence in them than in any other of the apostles, Peter excepted. Christ called these brothers Boanerges, or sons of thunder, on account of their vigorous minds and zealous spirits.

When Herod Agrippa was made governor of Judea by the emperor Caligula, he raised a persecution against the Christians, and particularly selected James as an object of his vengeance. This martyr, on being condemned to death, showed such intrepidity and constancy of mind, that even his accuser was struck with admiration, and became a convert to christianity. This transition so enraged the people in power, that they condemned him likewise to death; when the apostle, and his penitent accuser, were both beheaded on the same day and with the same sword. These events took place in the year of Christ 44; and the 25th of July was fixed by the church for the commemoration of James's martyrdom. About the same period, Timon and Parmenas, two of the seven deacons, suffered martyrdom, the former at Corinth, and the latter at Philippi, in Macedonia.

III. St. Philip.

This apostle and martyr was born at Bethsaida, in Galilee, and was the first called by the name of disciple. He was employed in several important missions by Christ, and being deputed to preach in Upper Asia, laboured very diligently in his apostleship. He then travelled into Phrygia, and arriving at Heliopolis, found the inhabitants to sunk in idolatry, as to worship a large serpent. St. Philip, however, was the means of converting many of them to christianity, and even procured the death of the serpent. This so enraged the magistrates, that they committed him to prison, had him severely scourged, and afterwards crucified. His friend, St. Bartholomew, found an opportunity of taking down the body, and burying it; for which, however, he was very near suffering the same fate. The martyrdom of Philip happened eight years after that of James the Great, A. D. 52; and his name, together with that of St. James the Less, is commemorated on the 1st of May.

IV. St. Matthew.

This evangelist, apostle, and martyr, was born at Nazareth, in Galilee; but resided chiefly in Capernaum, on account of his business, which was that of a tax-gatherer, to collect tribute of such as had to pass the sea of Galilee. On being called as a disciple, he immediately complied, and left every thing to follow Christ. After the ascension of his Lord, he continued preaching the gospel in Judea about nine years. Intending to leave Judea, to go and preach among the Gentiles, he wrote his gospel in Hebrew, for the use of the Jewish converts; but it was afterwards translated into Greek by St. James the Less. He then went to Ethiopia, ordained preachers, settled churches, and made many converts. He afterwards proceeded to Parthia, where he had the same success; but returning to Ethiopia, he was slain by a halberd in the city of Nadabar, about the year of Christ 60; and his festival is kept by the church on the 21st day of September. He was inoffensive in his conduct, and remarkably temperate in his mode of living.

V. St. Mark.

This evangelist and martyr was born of Jewish parents of the tribe of Levi. It is supposed that he was converted to christianity by St. Peter, whom he served as an amanuensis, and whom he attended in all his travels. Being entreated by the converts at Rome to commit to writing the admirable discourses they had heard from St. Peter and himself, he complied with their request, and composed his gospel in the Greek language. He then went to Egypt, and constituted a bishopric at Alexandria: afterwards he proceeded to Lybia, where he made many converts. On returning to Alexandria, some of the Egyptians, exasperated at his success, determined on his death. They tied his feet, dragged him through the streets, left him bruised in a dungeon all night, and the next day burned his body. This took place on the 25th of April, on which day the church commemorates his martyrdom. His bones were carefully gathered up by the Christians, decently interred, and afterwards removed to Venice, where he is honoured as the tutelar saint and patron of the state.

VI. St. James the Less.

This apostle and martyr was so called to distinguish him from St. James the Great. He was the son of Joseph, the reputed father of Christ; and after the Lord's ascension was elected bishop of Jerusalem. He wrote his general epistles to all Christians and converts whatever, to suppress a dangerous error then propagating, viz. "That faith in Christ was alone sufficient for salvation, without good works." The Jews, being at this time greatly enraged that St. Paul had escaped their fury, by appealing to Rome, determined to wreak their vengeance on James, who was now ninety-four years of age: they accordingly threw him down, beat, bruised, and stoned him; and then dashed out his brains with a club, such as was used by fullers in dressing cloths. His festival, together with that of St. Philip, is kept on the first of May.

VII. St. Matthias.

This martyr was called to the apostleship after the death of Christ, to supply the vacant place of Judas, who had betrayed his master. He was also one of the seventy disciples. He was martyred at Jerusalem, by being first stoned, and then beheaded; and the 24th of February is observed for the celebration of his festival.

VIII. St. Andrew.

This apostle and martyr was the brother of St. Peter, and preached the gospel to many Asiatic nations. On arriving at Edessa, the governor of the country, named Egeas, threatened him for preaching against the idols they worshipped. St. Andrew, persisting in the propagation of his doctrines, was ordered to be crucified, two ends of the cross being fixed transversely in the ground. He boldly told his accusers, that he would not have preached the glory of the cross, had he feared to die on it. And again, when they came to crucify him, he said that he coveted the cross, and longed to embrace it. He was fastened to the cross, not with nails, but cords; that his death might be more slow. In this situation he continued two days, preaching the greatest part of the time to the people; and expired on the 30th of November, which is commemorated as his festival.

IX. St. Peter.

Among many other saints, the blessed apostle Peter was condemned to death, and crucified, as some do write, at Rome; albeit some others, and not without cause, do doubt thereof. Hegesippus saith that Nero sought matter against Peter to put him to death; which, when the people perceived, they entreated Peter with much ado that he would fly the city. Peter, through their importunity at length persuaded, prepared himself to avoid. But, coming to the gate, he saw the Lord Christ come to meet him, to whom he, worshipping, said, "Lord whither dost Thou go?" To whom He answered and said, "I am come again to be crucified." By this, Peter perceiving his suffering to be understood, returned into the city. Jerome saith that he was crucified, his head being down and his feet upward, himself so requiring, because he was (he said) unworthy to be crucified after the same form and manner as the Lord was.

X. St. Paul.

This apostle and martyr was a Jew of the tribe of Benjamin, born at Tarsus in Cilicia. He was at first a great enemy to, and persecutor of the Christians; but after his miraculous conversion, he became a strenuous supporter of christianity. At Iconium, St. Paul and St. Barnabas were near being stoned to death by the enraged Jews; on which they fled to Lyconia. At Lystra, St. Paul was stoned, dragged out of the city, and left for dead. He, however, happily revived, and escaped to Derbe. At Philippi, Paul and Silas were imprisoned and whipped; and both were again persecuted at Thessalonica. Being afterwards taken at Jerusalem, he was sent to Cesarea, but appealed to Caesar at Rome. Here he continued a prisoner at large for two years; and at length being released, he visited the churches of Greece and Rome, and preached in France and Spain. Returning to Rome, he was again apprehended, and by the order of Nero, martyred, by beheading. Two days are dedicated to the commemoration of this apostle; the one to his conversion, which is on the 25th of January, and the other to his martyrdom, which is on the 29th of June, A. D. 72.

XI. St. Jude.

This apostle and martyr, the brother of James, was commonly called Thaddaeus. Being sent to Edessa, he wrought many miracles, and made many converts, which exciting the resentment of people in power, he was crucified. A. D. 72; and the 28th of October is, by the church, dedicated to his memory.

XII. St. Bartholomew.

This apostle and martyr preached in several countries, performed many miracles, and healed various diseases. He translated St. Matthew's gospel into the Indian language, and propagated it in that country; but at length, the idolators growing impatient with his doctrines, severely beat and crucified him. He was scarcely alive when taken down and beheaded. The anniversary of his martyrdom is on the 24th of August.

XIII. St. Thomas.

He was called by this name in Syriac, but Didymus in Greek; he was an apostle and martyr, and preached in Parthia and India, where displeasing the pagan priests, he was martyred by being thrust through with a spear. His death is commemorated on the 21st of December.

XIV. St. Luke the Evangelist.

This martyr was the author of the third most excellent gospel; and also of the Acts of the Apostles. He travelled with St. Paul to Rome, and preached to divers barbarous nations, till the priests of Greece hanged him on an olive-tree. The anniversary of his martyrdom is on the 18th of October.

XV. St. Simon.

This apostle and martyr was distinguished from his zeal by the name of Zelotes. He preached with great success in Mauritania, and other parts of Africa, and even in Britain, where, though he made many converts, he was crucified, A. D. 74. The anniversary of his death, together with that of St. Jude, is commemorated on the 28th day of October.

XVI. St. John.

He was distinguished as a prophet, an apostle, a divine, an evangelist, and a martyr. He is called the beloved disciple, and was brother to James the Great. He was previously a disciple of John the baptist, and afterwards not only one of the twelve apostles, but one of the three to whom Christ communicated the most secret passages of his life. He founded churches at Smyrna, Pergamos, Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea, and Thyatria, to which he directs his book of Revelations. Being at Ephesus, he was ordered by the emperor Domitian to be sent bound to Rome, where he was condemned to be cast into a caldron of boiling oil. But here a miracle was wrought in his favour, the oil did him no injury; and Domitian, not being able to put him to death, banished him to Patmos to labour in the mines, A. D. 73. He was, however, recalled by Nerva, who succeeded Domitian, but was deemed a martyr on account of his having undergone an execution, though it did not take effect. He wrote his epistles, gospel, and Revelation, each in a different style; but they are all equally admired. He was the only apostle who escaped a violent death, and lived the longest of any, he being nearly 100 years of age at the time of his death. The church devotes the 27th of December to his memory.

XVII. St. Barnabas.

He was a native of Cyprus, but of Jewish parents: the time of his death is uncertain; but it is supposed to have been about the year of Christ 73; and his festival is kept on the 11th of June.

 

 

Particulars of the Ascendancy of the Popes Throughout Christendom, From the Time of Williams The Conqueror, to that of Wickliffe.

(Containing a History of the Reformation, and the circumstances which preceded it, from the time of Wickliffe to the reign of Mary, including a summary of events connected with Christian Martyrdom, previous and subsequent to the reign of William the Conqueror.)

In a preceding part of our volume we traced the influence of popery over the continent and in our own kingdom, down to the reign of the vicious and monkish king Edgar, who was so great a patron of the religion of the popes, that he is said to have built as many monasteries for them as there are Sundays in the year. Ediner reports that they were forty-eight in number; but perhaps he does not include the nunneries. It is certain that from this period till the reformation was attempted by Wickliffe, the abominations of these arch and unchristian rulers increased with rapid strides, till at length all the sovereigns of Europe were compelled to do them the most servile homage. It was in the reign of Edgar that monks were first made spiritual ministers, though contrary to the old decrees and customs of the church, and in the time of this sovereign they were allowed to marry, there being no law forbidding them to do so till the reign of pope Hildebrand, other wise called Gregory VII.

There are many curious facts relating to king Edgar, mentioned by the early writers, some of which we shall quote, because they are not to be found in our principal, if in any of our histories of England. He was the successor of Alfred, and though he imitated that great sovereign in some praise-worthy actions, yet he committed many horrid crimes, which have stained his name with infamy. His decree by which he compelled Ludwallus, prince of Wales, to furnish 300 wolves as a yearly tribute, is well known, by which, in the course of four years, the wolves were exterminated from England, and he also set many other notable examples, which it would be well for all nations if modern princes were to imitate. But in his religion he was superstitious to the greatest degree, and consequently cruel to those towards whom he had any dislike or antipathy. William of Malmsbury, and various other writers, report of him that about the thirteenth year of his reign, being at Chester, eight petty or under kings came and did homage to him. The first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius, Macolinus of Cumberland, Muckus or Mascusinus king of Monia and other Islands, and the kings of Wales, the names of whom were Dunewaldus, Sifresh, Huwall, Jacob, Ulkell, and Juchel. All these, after they had given their fidelity to Edgar, the next day entered with him on the river Dee; where sitting in a boat, he took the helm, and caused the eight kings to row him up and down the river, to and from the church of St. John, to his palace, in token that he was master and lord of so many provinces; and on this occasion he is reported to have said, "Tunc demun posse successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta praerogativa honorum fruerentur." Undoubtedly he would have spoken much better, had he said with St. Paul, "Absit mihi gloriari, nisi in Cruce Domini nostri Jesu Christi."

To trace the numerous disgusting innovations upon the religion of Christ, during the space of three hundred years and upwards, or rather from the time of king Edgar to the appearance of Wickliffe, would be the province of a writer on church history, besides which, it would be incompatible with our limits. Suffice it to say, that there was scarcely a war or civil broil in which this country was engaged, which did not originate in the artifices of popes, monks, and friars. It is true that they sometimes fell victims to their own machinations; for, from the year 1004, many popes were successively poisoned. Several died unnatural deaths: for example, pope Sylvester was cut to pieces by his own people, through the superstitious fears he had impressed upon their minds. Several of his successors used all manner of infamous means to gain the ascendancy, and their reigns were but short. Pope Benedict, who succeeded John XXI. thought proper to resist the emperor Henry III. the son of Conrad, and place in his room Peter, king of Hungary; but afterwards being alarmed lest Henry should prevail in battle, he sold his seat to Gratianus, called Gregory VI. for 1500l. At this time there were three popes in Rome, all striving against each other for the supreme power, viz. Benedict IX. Sylvester III. and Gregory VI. On which Henry, the emperor, coming to that city, displaced the three at once, and appointed Clement the second, enacting that there should no bishop of Rome henceforth be chosen but by the consent and confirmation of his imperial law. Though this law was both agreeable and necessary for public tranquillity, yet the cardinals would not suffer it long to stand, but strove to subvert it by subtlety and open violence. In the time of Clement, the Romans made an oath to the emperor concerning the election of the bishops, to intermeddle no farther, but as the assent of the emperor should go; but the emperor departing thence into Germany again, they forgot their oath, and within nine months after poisoned the bishop. This fact, some impute to Stephen his successor, called Damasus II. Some impute it to Brazutus, who is reported by some historians to have poisoned six popes, viz. Clement II. Damasus II. Leo IX. Victor II. Stephen IX. and 
Nicholas II.

Clement was succeeded by Damasus II. neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperor, but by force and invasion; and he also within twenty-three days being poisoned, much contention and striving began in Rome about the papal seat. Whereupon the Romans, through the counsel of the cardinals, sent to the emperor desiring him to give them a bishop. He gave them one whose name was Bruno, an Alman, and bishop of Cullen, afterwards called Leo IX. This pope was poisoned by Brazutus, in the first year of his popedom. After his death Theophylactus made an effort to be pope, but Hilderbrand, to defeat him, went to the emperor, and pursuaded him to assign another bishop, a German, who ascended the papal chair under the title of Victor II. The second year of his papacy, or little more, he also followed his predecessors, being poisoned by Brazutus, through the instigation of Hilderbrand and his master.

At this time the church and the clergy of Rome began to wrest from the emperor's hands the election of the pope; electing Stephen IX. contrary to their oath, and the emperor's assignment. From this period, indeed, their ascendancy was so great, that the most powerful sovereigns of Europe were obliged to do them homage, and it was in the time of pope Nicholas, who succeeded Stephen, A.D. 1059, that the synod of Sutrium was broken up by this pope, who came to Rome and established the dreaded Concilium Lateranum, or Council of the Lateran. In this council was first promulgated the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, and beginning In nomine Domini nostri. The effect was that he undermined the emperor's jurisdiction, and transferred to a few cardinals, and certain catholic persons, the full authority of filling the pontiff chair. Then, against all such as crept into the seat of Peter by money, or favour, without the full consent of the cardinals, he thundered terrible blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their children with the anger of Almighty God; giving authority and power to cardinals, with the clergy and laity, to depose all such persons, and call a council-general, wheresoever they would, against them.

In the council of Lateran, under pope Nicholas II., Berengarius Andegavensis, and archdeacon, was driven to the recantation of his doctrine, denying the real substance of Christ's holy body and blood to be in the sacrament, otherwise than sacramentally and in mystery. In the same council also was invented the doctrine and term of transubstantiation.

Nicholas however only reigned three years and a half, and then drank of Brazutus's cup, like his predecessors. At the beginning of his reign or somewhat before, about the year of our Lord 1057, Henry the fourth was made emperor, being but a child, and reigned fifty years; but not without great molestation and much disquietness; for in the course of time, when Hildebrand came to the popedom, he had the audacity to excommunicate him, and absolve all his subjects from their oath of allegiance to him. On this all his nobles, through fear of the pope's curse, deserted him; and the emperor dreading the consequences that would ensue, though a brave man, found it necessary to make his submission. He accordingly repaired to the city of Canosus, where the pope then was, and went barefooted with his wife and child to the gate, where he from morning to night, fasting all the day, most humbly desired absolution, craving to be let in to the bishop. But no ingress being given him he continued three days together in his condition: at length answer came that the pope's majesty had yet no leisure to talk with him. The emperor, moved that he was not let into the city, patient and with an humble mind stopped without the walls, with no little distress; for it was a sharp winter, and the ground was frozen. At length his request was granted through the entreating of Matilda, the pope's paramour, and of Arelaus, earl of Sebaudia, and the abbot of Cluniak. On the fourth day being let in, as a token of his repentance he yielded to the pope's hands his crown, with all other imperial ornaments, and confessed himself unworthy of the empire, if ever he did against the pope hereafter, as he had done before, desiring for that time to be absolved and forgiven. The pope answered that he would neither forgive, nor release the bond of his excommunication, but upon condition that he should be content to stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to take such penance as he should enjoin him; also that he should be ready to appear in what place or time the pope should appoint him. Moreover, that he, being content to take the pope judge of his cause, should answer in the council to all objections and accusations laid against him, and that he should never seek any revenge; that he should stand to the pope's mind and pleasure whether to have his kingdom restored, or to lose it. Finally, that before the trial of his cause, he should neither use his kingly ornaments, sceptre nor crown; nor usurp authority to govern, nor exact any oath of allegiance from his subjects. These things being promised to the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the emperor was released from excommunication.

After the death of Hildebrand came pope Victor, who was set up by Matilda and the duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand. But his papal authority was brief, for being poisoned, it is said in his chalice, he reigned only one year and a half. Notwithstanding, the imitation and example of Hildebrand continued in them that followed. And as the kings of Israel followed the steps of Jeroboam till the time of their desolation; so for the greatest part of all popes followed the steps and proceedings of Hildebrand, their spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining false worship, and chiefly in upholding the dignity of the see against all rightful authority, and the lawful kingdom of Christ. In the time of Victor began the order of the monks of the Charter-house, through the means of one Hugo, bishop of Gracianople, and of Bruno, bishop of Cologne.

In the time of pope Honorius the second, a christian preacher named Arnulphus was martyred at Rome. Some say he was archbishop of Lugdune, as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus. Tritemius says he was a priest, whose history, as he describes it, we will briefly give in English:--About this time, in the days of Honorius the second, one Arnulphus, a priest, a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy preacher, came to Rome, and in his preaching rebuked the dissolute and lascivious looseness and incontinency, avarice and immoderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his apostles rather in their poverty and pureness of life. Thus this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome, for a true disciple of Christ; but by the cardinals and clergy he was no less hated than favoured by the other, insomuch that privily in the night they took him and destroyed him. His martyrdom is said to have been revealed to him before from God by an angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach; whereupon he said unto them publicly, "I know ye seek my life, and know you will take me away privily: but why? Because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmeasurable greediness in getting and heaping up riches; therefore you are displeased with me. I take heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached unto you that which I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your Creator, who by his only Son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if you seek my death, being a sinful person, preaching unto you the truth, when if St. Peter were here this day and rebuked your vices which so multiply above measure, you would not spare him." And as he was expressing this, with a loud voice he said moreover: "For my part I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth's sake: but this I say unto you, that God will look upon your iniquities, and will be revenged. You, being full of all impurity, play the blind guides to the people committed unto you, leading them the way to hell." Thus the hatred of the clergy being incensed against him for preaching truth, they conspired against him, and laying wait for him, took him and drowned him. Sabellicus and Platana say they hanged him.

We shall close our accounts of the ascendancy of the popes with one more remarkable fact of history. In the time of pope Innocent, king John of England, alarmed at the offence he had given to the see of Rome, and fearful of the invasion which the infamy of that see had excited against him, entreated for peace with the pope, and promised to do whatever he should command him. On this the pope sent his legate Pandulph to the king at Canterbury, where he waited their coming, and on the 13th day of May the king received them, making them an oath, "That of and for all things wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction; and the lords and barons of England who were with the king attending the legate sware in like manner, that if the king would not accomplish in every thing the oath which he had taken, then they would cause him to hold and confirm the same whether he would or not."

Then the king himself submitted to the court of Rome and the pope, and gave up his dominions and realms of England and Ireland from him and from his heirs for evermore. With this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these dominions of the pope to farm, paying for them yearly to the court of Rome 1000 marks of silver. Then the king took the crown from his head, kneeling down in the presence of all his lords and barons of England to Pandulph, the pope's chief legate, saying, "Here I resign the crown of the realm of England to the pope's hands, Innocent the third, and put me wholly in his mercy and ordinance." Then Pandulph took the crown of king John, and kept it five days as a possession of the realms of England and Ireland. This humiliating ceremony took place, some say at the Ewell monastery between Canterbury and Dover; others, at the monastery of St. John, then standing in all its glory at the extreme point of Dover, opposite the coast of France. The latter is the more probable, as it was the greater establishment; and more likely from its situation and celebrity to be chosen as the scene of this papal parade and disgraceful royal resignation.

It was not to be expected that after this submission the king was freed from popish influence; on the contrary, he was surrounded by monks in the interest of foreign countries, who did every thing they could to degrade and dishonour him. He died in the year 1216, after an imbecile reign of eighteen years, and historians differ as to the manner of his death, some asserting that he died of an inflammation, others of a flux, while the fact generally believed is, that he was poisoned, as we shall presently shew.

It is recorded in the chronicle of William Caxton, called Fructus Temporum, that a monk named Simon, being much offended with a talk that the king had at his table, concerning Ludovic the French king's son, began to speculate how he most speedily might destroy him. First he counselled with his abbot, shewing him the whole matter, and what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the prophecy of Caiaphas, saying--"It is better that one man die, than all the people should perish." "I am well contented," he added, "to lose my life, and so become a martyr, that I may utterly destroy this tyrant." With that the abbot wept for gladness, and much commended his fervent zeal. The monk then being absolved by the abbot for doing this act, went secretly into a garden near at hand, and finding there a venomous toad, he so pricked him and pressed him with his pen-knife, that he made him vomit all the poison that was within him. This done, he conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance said thus to the king--"If it should like your princely majesty, here is such a cup of wine as ye never drank better before in all your life-time: I trust this draught shall make all England glad." With that the king drank a great draught thereof, pledging him. The monk soon after went to the farmery, and there is reported to have perished by a dreadful death. However, he had continually from thenceforth three monks to sing mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter.

The king within a short space after feeling great pain in his body, asked for Simon the monk; and answer was made that he had departed this life. "Then God have mercy upon me," answered the king; "I suspected as much, after he had said that all England should be glad." In Gisburne, we find, that dissenting from others he says that the king was poisoned with a dish of pears, which the monk had prepared for him on purpose; and asking the king whether he would taste of his fruit, and being bid to bring them in, did so. At the bringing in whereof the king doubting some poison, demanded for the monk what he had brought. He said, some fruit, and that very good, the best that ever he did taste. "Eat," said the king; and he took one of the pears which he knew, and did eat. Being bid to take another, he ate that also, and so likewise a third. Then the king, refraining no longer, took one of the other pears, and was poisoned.

Equally vindictive were the different popes towards the other christian sovereigns of Europe, but particularly those of Germany, one of whom, the valiant emperor Frederic, was compelled to submit to be stepped on by the feet of pope Alexander, and dared not make any resistance. In England, however, a spirit of resentment broke out in various reigns, in consequence of the papal oppressions, which continued with more or less violence till the exertions of the great Wickliffe, about whom we shall speak in the following section. Previous, however, to this time, there were several martyrdoms of religious men in England, though the cruelties inflicted on them did not arise so much from their sacred character, as from the political motives which caused the invasions and insurrections. The massacre of the monks of Bangor, A.D. 856, was a dreadful instance of barbarity under the Saxon government. These monks were in most respects different from those who bear the name at present. Though catholics, they were generally pious and holy men.

The Danes landing in different parts of Britain, both in England and Scotland, in the eighth century, were at first repulsed; but in A.D. 857, a party of them landed near Southampton, and not only robbed the people, but murdered the clergy and burnt the churches. These barbarians penetrated into the centre of England, and took up their quarters at Nottingham in 868; but the English, under their king Ethelfred, drove them from those posts, and obliged them to retire into Northumberland. In the year 870, another body of these barbarians landed in Norfolk, and engaged in battle with the English at Hertford. Victory declared in favour of the pagans, who took Edmund king of the east Angles prisoner, and after treating him with a thousand indignities, transfixed his body with arrows, and then beheaded him. They burnt many of the churches, and among the rest that belonging to the Caldees at St. Andrew's, in Fifeshire, Scotland. The piety of this order of men made them objects of abhorrence to the Danes, who, wherever they went, singled out their priests for destruction, of whom no less than 200 were massacred in Scotland. Similar scenes took place in that part of Ireland now called Leinster; there the Danes murdered and burnt the priests alive in their own churches; they carried destruction wherever they went, sparing neither age nor sex; but the clergy were the most obnoxious to them, because they exposed their idolatry, and persuaded the people to have nothing to do with them. These Danish incursions and cruelties continued with greater or less force till the conquest, when new scenes arrested the public attention, and the pious ministers and members of the christian church had to contend with new enemies.

 

Cruelties Exercised by the Inquisitions of Spain and Portugal, From the Most Authenticated Records.

Francis Romanus, a native of Spain, was employed by the merchants of Antwerp to transact some business for them at Bremen. He had been educated in the Romish persuasion, but going one day into a protestant church, he was struck with the truths which he heard, and beginning to discern the errors of popery, he determined to search farther into the matter. Perusing the sacred scriptures, and the writings of some protestant divines, he perceived the falsehood of the principles he had formerly embraced; and soon renounced the impositions of popery for the doctrines of the reformed church, in which religion appeared in its genuine purity. Resolving to think only of his eternal salvation, he studied religious truth more than earthly trade, and purchased books rather than merchandize, convinced that the riches of the body are trifling to those of the soul. He resigned his agency to the merchants of Antwerp, giving them an account at the same time of his conversion; and then, resolved on the conversion of his parents, he returned without delay to Spain for that purpose. But the Antwerp merchants writing to the inquisitors, he was seized, imprisoned for some time, and then condemned to the flames as a heretic. He was led to the place of execution in a garment painted with demon figures, and had a paper mitre put on his head by way of derision. As he passed by a wooden cross, one of the priests bade him kneel to it; but he absolutely refused to do so, saying, "It is not for Christians to worship wood." Having been placed on a pile of fagots, the fire quickly reached him, when he suddenly lifted up his head; the priests thinking he meant to recant, ordered him to be taken down. Finding, however, that they were mistaken, and that he still retained his constancy, he was placed again upon the pile, where, as long as he had life and voice remaining, he kept repeating these verses of the seventh psalm-- "O Lord my God, in thee I put my trust! O let the wickedness of the wicked come to an end, but establish thou the just. My defence is of God, who saveth the upright in heart. I will praise the Lord according to his righteousness; and will sing praise to the name of the Lord most high!"

At St. Lucar, in Spain, resided a carver named Rochus, whose principal business was to make images of saints and other popish idols. Becoming, however, convinced of the errors of the Romish persuasion, he embraced the protestant faith, left off carving images, and for subsistence followed the business of a seal engraver only. But he had retained one image of the Virgin Mary for a sign; when an inquisitor passing by, asked if he would sell it. Rochus mentioned a price; the inquisitor objected to it, and offered half the money. Rochus replied, "I would rather break it to pieces than take such a trifle."--"Break it to pieces," said the inquisitor, "break it to pieces if you dare!" Rochus being provoked at this expression, snatched up a chisel, and cut off the nose of the image. This was sufficient; the inquisitor went away in a rage, and soon after sent to have him apprehended. In vain did he plead that what he defaced was his own property; and that if it was not proper to do as he would with his own, it was not proper for the inquisitor to bargain for the image in the way of trade. Nothing, however, availed him; his fate was decided; he was condemned to be burnt, and the sentence was executed without delay.

A doctor Cacalla, his brother Francis and sister Blanche, were burnt at Valladolid, for having spoken against the inquisitors. A gentlewoman with two daughters and niece, were apprehended at Seville, professing the protestant religion. They were all put to the torture: and when that was over, one of the inquisitors sent for the youngest daughter, pretended to sympathize with her, and pity her sufferings; then binding himself with a solemn oath not to betray her, he said,

"If you will disclose all to me, I promise you I will procure the discharge of your mother, sister, cousin, and yourself." Rendered confident by this oath, and ensnared by specious promises, she revealed all the tenets they professed; when the perjured wretch, instead of acting as he had sworn, immediately ordered her to be put to the rack, saying, "Now you have revealed so much, I will make you reveal more." Refusing, however, to say any thing further, the whole family were condemned to the flames, and the horrid sentence was executed at the next Auto da Fe.

The keeper of the castle of Triano, belonging to the inquisitors of Seville, happened to be of a more mild and humane temper than is usual with persons in his situation. He gave all the indulgence he could to the prisoners, and shewed them every favour in his power with as much secrecy as possible. At length the inquisitors became acquainted with his kindness, and determined to punish him severely for it, that the gaolers might be deterred from shewing the least trace of that compassion which ought to glow in the breast of every human being. With this view they superseded him, threw him into a dismal dungeon, and used him with such dreadful barbarity that he lost his senses. His deplorable situation, however, procured him no favour; for, frantic as he was, they brought him from prison at an Auto da Fe to the usual place of punishment, with a sanbenito (or garment worn by criminals) on him, and a rope about his neck. His sentence was then read--that he should be placed upon an ass, led through the city, receive 200 stripes, and then be condemned six years to the galleys. The unhappy frantic wretch, just as they were about to begin his punishment, suddenly sprang from the back of the ass, broke the cords that bound him, snatched a sword from one of the guards, and dangerously wounded an officer of the inquisition. Being overpowered, he was prevented from doing further mischief, seized, bound more securely to the ass, and treated according to his sentence. So inexorable were the inquisitors, that for the rash effects of his madness, which they had caused, four years were added to his slavery in the galleys.

A maid-servant to another gaoler belonging to the inquisition was accused of humanity, and detected in bidding the prisoners keep up their spirits. For this heinous crime, as it was called, she was publicly whipped, banished her native place for ten years, and had her forehead branded by red hot irons with these words, "A favourer and aider of heretics."

John Pontic, a Spanish gentleman and a protestant, was, principally on account of his great estate, apprehended by the inquisitors, and charged with heresy. On this charge all his effects were confiscated to the use of the inquisitors, and his body was burnt to ashes. John Gonsalvo, originally a priest, but who now embraced the reformed religion, was, with his mother, brother, and two sisters, seized by the inquisitors. Being condemned, they were led to execution singing part of the 106 psalm. At the place of execution they were ordered to repeat the creed, which they immediately complied with, but coming to these words, "the holy catholic church," they were commanded to add the monosyllables "of Rome," which absolutely refusing, one of the inquisitors said, "Put an end to their lives directly," when the executioners obeyed, and strangled them.

Four protestant women were seized at Seville, tortured, and afterwards ordered for execution. On the way they began to sing psalms; but the officers thinking that the words of the psalms reflected on themselves, used the most cruel means to silence them. They were then burnt, and the houses they resided in ordered to be demolished. A protestant schoolmaster of the name of Ferdinando, was apprehended by order of the inquisition, for instructing his pupils in the principles of protestantism; and after being severely tortured, committed to the flames.

A monk, who had abjured the errors of popery, was imprisoned at the same time as Ferdinando; but through the fear of death, he said he was willing to embrace his former communion. Ferdinando hearing of this, obtained an opportunity to speak to him, reproached him with his weakness, and threatened him with eternal perdition; when the monk, sensible of his crime, re-embraced and promised to continue in the protestant faith, and declared to the inquisitors that he solemnly renounced his intended recantation. Sentence of death was therefore passed upon him, and he was burned at the same stake with his friend.

A Spanish Roman catholic, named Juliano, travelling into Germany, became a convert to the protestant religion; and undertook to convey to his own country a great number of Bibles, concealed in casks, and packed up like Rhenish wine. He succeeded so far as to distribute the books. A pretended protestant, however, who had purchased one of the Bibles, betrayed him, and laid an account of the affair before the inquisition. Juliano was seized, and means being used to find out the purchasers of the Bibles, 800 persons were apprehended. They were indiscriminately tortured, and then most of them were sentenced to various punishments. Juliano was burnt, twenty were publicly whipped, many sent to the galleys, and a small number were acquitted.

A protestant tailor of Spain, named John Leon, travelled to Germany, and from thence to Geneva, where hearing that a number of English protestants were returning to their native country, he and some other Spaniards determined to go with them. The Spanish inquisitors being apprised of their intentions, sent a number of familiars in pursuit of them, who overtook them at a sea-port in Zealand. The prisoners were heavily fettered, handcuffed, had their heads and necks covered with a kind of iron net-work, and in this miserable condition they were conveyed to Spain, thrown into a dungeon, almost famished, barbarously tortured, and then burnt.

A young lady having been forced into a convent, absolutely refused to take the veil; and on leaving the cloister she embraced the protestant faith, on which she was apprehended and condemned to the flames. An eminent physician and philosopher of the name of Christopher Losada, became obnoxious to the inquisitors, on account of exposing the errors of popery, and professing the tenets of protestantism. He was apprehended, imprisoned, and racked; but these severities not making him confess the Roman catholic church to be the only true one, he was sentenced to the fire; which he bore with exemplary patience, and resigned his soul to his Creator.

Arias, a monk of St. Isidore's monastery at Seville, was a man of great abilities, but of a vicious disposition. He sometimes pretended to forsake the errors of the church of Rome, and become a protestant, and soon after turned Roman catholic. Thus he continued a long time wavering between both persuasions, till God thought proper to touch his heart. He now became a true protestant; and the sincerity of his conversion soon after becoming known, he was seized by the officers of the inquisition, severely tortured, and afterwards burned at an Auto da Fe.

A young lady named Maria de Coccicao, who resided with her brother at Lisbon, was taken up by the inquisitors, and ordered be put to the rack. The torments she felt made her confess the charges against her. The cords were then slackened, and she was re-conducted to her cell, where she remained till she had recovered the use of her limbs; she was then brought again before the tribunal, and ordered to ratify her confession. This she absolutely refused to do, telling them, that what she had said was forced from her by the excessive pain she underwent. The inquisitors, incensed at this reply, ordered her again to be put to the rack, when the weakness of nature once more prevailed, and she repeated her former confession. She was immediately remanded to her cell; and being a third time brought before the inquisitors they ordered her to sign her first and second confessions. She answered as before, but added, "I have twice given way to the frailty of the flesh, and perhaps may, while on the rack, be weak enough to do so again: but depend upon it, if you torture me a hundred times, as soon as I am released from the rack I shall deny what was extorted from me by pain." The inquisitors then ordered her to be racked a third time; and, during this last trial, she bore the torments with the utmost fortitude, and could not be persuaded to answer any of the questions put to her. As her courage and constancy increased, the inquisitors, instead of putting her to death, condemned her to a severe whipping through the public streets, and banishment for ten years.

A lady of a noble family of seville, named Jane Bohorquia, was apprehended on the information of her sister, who had been tortured and burnt for professing the protestant religion. While on the rack, she confessed she had frequently conversed with her sister concerning protestantism, and upon this extorted confession Jane was seized and ordered to be racked, which was done with such severity, that she expired a week after of the wounds and bruises. Upon this occasion the inquisitors affected some remorse, and in one of the printed acts of the inquisition, which they always publish at an Auto da Fe, this young lady is thus mentioned: "Jane Bohorquia was found dead in prison; after which, upon reviving her prosecution, the inquisitors discovered she was innocent. Be it therefore known, that no further prosecution shall be carried on against her; and that her effects, which were confiscated, shall be given to the heirs at law." One sentence in this passage is as remarkable as it is ridiculous, that no further prosecution shall be carried on against her. This alludes to the absurd custom of prosecuting and burning the bones of the dead: for when a prisoner dies in the inquisition, the process continues the same as if he was living; the bones are deposited in a chest, and if sentence of guilt is passed they are brought out at the next Auto da Fe; the sentence is read against them with as much solemnity as against a living prisoner, and they are at length committed to the flames. In a similar manner are prosecutions carried on against prisoners who escape; and when their persons are far beyond the reach of the inquisitors, they are burnt in effigy.

Isaac Orobio, a learned physician, having beaten a Moorish servant for stealing, was accused of him of professing Judaism, and the inquisitor seized the master upon the charge. He was kept three years in prison before he had the least intimation of what he was to undergo, and then suffered the following modes of torture:--A coarse coat was put upon him, and drawn so tight that the circulation of the blood was nearly stopped, and the breath almost pressed out of his body. After this the strings were suddenly loosened, when the air forcing its way hastily into his stomach, and the blood rushing into its channels, he suffered the most incredible pain. He was seated on a bench with his back against a wall to which iron pullies were fixed. Ropes being fastened to several parts of his body and limbs, were passed through the pulleys, and being suddenly drawn with great violence, his whole frame was forced into a distorted mass. After having suffered for a considerable time the pains of this position, the seat was suddenly removed and he was left suspended against the wall. The executioners fastened ropes round his wrists, and then drew them about his body. Placing him on his back with his feet against the wall, they pulled with the utmost violence, till the cord had penetrated to the bone. He suffered the last torture three times, and then lay seventy days before his wounds were healed. He was afterwards banished, and in his exile wrote the account of his sufferings.

A protestant author of Toledo was fond of producing fine specimens of writings, and having them framed to adorn the different apartments of his house. Among other curious examples of penmanship, was a large piece containing the Lord's prayer, creed, and ten commandments, in verse. This piece, which hung in a conspicuous part of the house, was one day seen by a person belonging to the inquisition, who observed that the numerical arrangement of the commandments was not according to the church of Rome, but according to the protestant church; for the protestants retain the whole ten commandments as they stand in the bible, but the papist omit the second which forbids the worship of images. The inquisition soon had information of the circumstance, and this gentleman was seized, prosecuted, and burnt, only for adorning his house with a specimen of his skill.

 

 

 

 

The Life, Sufferings, and Martyrdom of John Huss,
Who Was Burnt at Constance in Germany.

John Huss was a Bohemian, born in the village of Hussenitz about the year 1380. His parents gave him the best education they could bestow, and having acquired a tolerable knowledge of the classics at a private school, he was sent thence to the university of Prague, where the powers of his mind and his diligence in study soon rendered him conspicuous. In 1408 he commenced bachelor of divinity, and was after successively chosen pastor of the church of Bethlehem, in Prague, and dean, and rector of the university. These stations he discharged with great fidelity, and became at length so conspicuous for his preaching and the boldness of his truths, that he soon attracted the notice and excited the malignity of the pope and his creatures. The incident which most provoked the indignation of Huss was a papal bull, which offered remission of sin to all who would join the army of the pope in his contest with the king of Naples, who had invaded the holy see, and threatened destruction to the papal dominion.

The English reformer, Wickliffe, had so kindled the light of reformation, that it began to illume the darkest corners of popery and ignorance. His doctrines were received in Bohemia with avidity and zeal by great numbers of people; but by none so zealously as John Huss, and his friend and fellow-martyr, Jerome of Prague. The reformists daily increasing, the archbishop of Prague issued a decree to suppress the farther spreading of Wickliffe's writings. This, however, had an effect quite the reverse of what he expected, for it stimulated the converts to greater zeal, and at length almost the whole university united in promoting them. In that renowned institution the influence of Huss was very great, not only on account of his learning, eloquence, and exemplary life; but also on account of some valuable privileges he had obtained from the king in behalf of the Bohemians.

Strongly attached to the doctrines of Wickliffe, Huss strenuously opposed the decree of the archbishop, who, notwithstanding, obtained a bull from the pope, giving him commission to prevent the publishing of Wickliffe's writings in his province. By virtue of this bull the archbishop condemned those writings: he also proceeded against four doctors who had not delivered up some copies, and prohibited them to preach. Against these proceedings Dr. Huss, with some other members of the university, protested, and entered an appeal from the sentence of the archbishop. The pope no sooner heard of this, than he granted a commission to cardinal Colonno, to cite Huss to appear at the court of Rome, to answer accusations laid against him, of preaching both errors and heresies. From this Dr. Huss desired to be excused, and so greatly was he favoured in Bohemia that king Wincelaus, the queen, the nobility, and the university, desired the pope to dispense with such an appearance; as also that he would not suffer the kingdom of Bohemia to lie under the accusation of heresy, but permit all to preach the gospel with freedom in their places of worship according to their own honest convictions.

Three proctors appeared for Dr. Huss before cardinal Colonno. They pleaded an excuse for his absence, and said they were ready to answer in his behalf. But the cardinal declared him contumacious, and accordingly excommunicated him. On this the proctors appealed to the pope, who appointed four cardinals to examine the process: these commissioners confirmed the sentence of the cardinal, and extended the excommunication, not only on Huss, but to all his friends and followers. Huss then appealed from this unjust sentence to a future council, but without success; and, notwithstanding so severe a decree, and an expulsion from his church in Prague, he retired to Hussenitz, his native place, where he continued to promulgate the truth, in his writings as well as his public ministry. It was in this retirement and comparative seclusion that he compiled a treatise, in which he maintained that reading the books of protestants could not be forbidden or prevented. He wrote in defence of wickliffe's work on the Trinity; and boldly protested against the vices of the pope, the cardinals, and the clergy of those corrupt times. In addition to these he was the author of several other productions, all of which were penned with such strength of argument as greatly facilitated the diffusion of protestant principles.

In England persecution against the protestants had been carried on for some time with relentless cruelty. They now extended to Germany and Bohemia, where Dr. Huss, and Jerome of Prague, were particularly singled out to suffer in the cause of religion. In the month of November, in the year 1414, a general council was assembled at Constance, in Germany, for the purpose of determining a dispute then existing between three persons who contended for the papal throne. These were, John, set up by the Italians; Gregory, by the French; and Benedict, by the Spaniards. The council continued four years, in which the severest laws were enacted to crush the protestants. Pope John was deposed and obliged to fly: more than forty crimes being proved against him; among which were, his attempt to poison his predecessor, his being a gamester, a liar, a murderer, an adulterer, and guilty of unnatural offences.

John Huss was first summoned to appear at the council; and to dispel any apprehension of danger, the emperor sent him a passport, giving him permission freely to come to, and return from, the council. On receiving this information, he told the persons who delivered it, that he desired nothing more than to purge himself publicly of the imputation of heresy; and that he esteemed himself happy in having so fair an opportunity for doing so as the council to which he was summoned to attend.

In the latter end of November he set out for Constance, accompanied by two Bohemian, who were among the most eminent of his disciples, and who followed him through respect and affection. He caused placards to be fixed upon the gates of the churches of Prague, in which he declared, that he went to the council to answer all charges that might be made against him. He also declared, in all the cities through which he passed, that he was going to vindicate himself at Constance, and invited all his adversaries to be present. On his way he met with every mark of affection and reverence from people of all descriptions. The streets, and even the roads, were thronged with people, whom respect rather than curiosity had brought together. He was ushered into several towns with great acclamations; and he passed through Germany in a kind of triumph. "I thought," he said, "I had been an outcast. I now see my worst friends are in Bohemia."

On arriving at Constance, he immediately took lodgings in a remote part of the city. Soon after there came to him one Stephen Paletz, who was engaged by the clergy at Prague to manage the intended prosecution against him. Paletz was afterwards joined by Michel de Cassis, on the part of the court of Rome. These two declared themselves his accusers, and drew up articles against him, which they presented to the pope and the prelates of the council. Notwithstanding the promise of the emperor, to give him safe conduct to and from constance, he regarded not his word; but, according to the maxim of the council, that "Faith is not to be kept with heretics," when it was known he was in the city, he was immediately arrested, and committed prisoner to a chamber in the palace. This breach was particularly noticed by one of Huss's friends, who urged the imperial passport: but the pope replied he never granted any such thing, nor was he bound by that of the emperor.

While Huss was under confinement, the council acted the part of inquisitors. They condemned the doctrines of Wickliffe, and in their impotent malice ordered his remains to be dug up and burnt to ashes. While these orders were executing the nobility of Bohemia and Poland used all their interest for Huss; and so far prevailed as to prevent his being condemned unheard, which appeared to have been resolved on by the commissioners appointed to try him. Before his trial took place, his enemies employed a Franciscan friar, to entangle him in his words, and then appear against him. This man of great ingenuity and subtlety, came to him in the character of an idiot and with seeming sincerity and zeal, requested to be taught his doctrines. But Huss soon detected him, and told him that his manners wore a great semblance of simplicity, but that his questions discovered a depth and design beyond the reach of an idiot. He afterwards found this pretended fool to be Didace, one of the deepest logicians in Lombardy.

At length Huss was brought before the council, when the articles exhibited against him were read: they were upwards of forty in number, and chiefly extracted from his writings. The following extract, forming the eighth article of impeachment, will give a sample of the ground on which this infamous trial was conducted. "An evil and a wicked pope is not the successor of Peter, but of Judas." Answer, "I wrote this in my treatise, if the pope be humble and meek, neglecting and despising the honour and lucre of the world; if he be a shepherd, taking his name from feeding the flock of God; if he feed the sheep with the word, and with virtuous example, and that he become even like his flock with his whole heart and mind; if he diligently and carefully labour and travel for the church, then is he without doubt the true vicar of Christ. But if he walk contrary to these virtues, so much as there is no society between Christ and Belial, and Christ himself saith, `He that is not with me is against me,' how is he then the true vicar of Christ or Peter, and not rather the vicar of antichrist? Christ called Peter himself, Satan, when he opposed him only in one word, and that with a good affection, even him whom he had chosen his vicar, and specially appointed over his church. Why should not any other then, being more opposed to Christ, be truly called Satan, and consequently antichrist, or at least the principal minister or vicar of antichrist. Infinite testimonies of this matter are found in St. Augustine, St. Jerome, Cyprian, Chryostome, Bernard, Gregory, Remigius, Ambrose, and all the holy fathers of the Christian church."

On his examination being finished, he was taken from the court, and a resolution was formed by the council, to burn him as a heretic unless he retracted. He was then committed to a filthy prison, where, in the day-time, he was so laden with fetters that he could hardly move: and every night he was fastened by his hands to a ring against the wall. He continued some days in this situation, while many noblemen of Bohemia interceded in his behalf. They drew up a petition for his release, which was presented to the council by several of the most illustrious men of the country; notwithstanding which, so many enemies had Huss in that court, that no attention was paid to it, and the persecuted reformer was compelled to endure all the ignominy and misery inflicted on him. Shortly after the petition was presented, four bishops and two lords were sent by the emperor to the prison, in order to prevail on Huss to make a recantation. But he called God to witness, with tears in his eyes, that he was not conscious of having preached or written any thing against the truth of God, or the faith of his orthodox church. the deputies then represented the great wisdom and authority of the council; to which Huss replied, "Let them send the meanest person of that council, who can convince me by argument from the word of God, and I will submit my judgment to him." This firm and faithful answer had no effect, because he would not take the authority of the council upon trust, in opposition to the plainest reasonings of scripture. The deputies, therefore, finding they could not make any impression on him, departed, greatly astonished at the strength of his resolution.

On the 4th of July he was, for the last time, brought before the council. After a long examination he was desired to abjure, which he refused without the least hesitation. The bishop of Lodi then preached a bloody persecuting sermon, the text of which was, "Let the body of sin be destroyed." The sermon was the usual prologue to a cruel martyrdom; and when it was over his fate was fixed, his vindication rejected and judgment was pronounced. The council censured him for being obstinate and incorrigible, and ordained that he should be degraded from the priesthood, his books publicly burnt, and himself delivered to the secular power. He received the sentence without the least emotion; and at the close of it he kneeled down with his eyes lifted towards heaven, and, with all the magnanimity of a primitive martyr, thus exclaimed:

"May thine infinite mercy, O my God! pardon this injustice of mine enemies. Thou knowest the iniquity of my accusations: how deformed with crimes I have been represented: how I have been oppressed by worthless witnesses, and a false condemnation: yet, O my God! let that mercy of thine, which no tongue can express, prevail with thee not to avenge my wrongs."

These excellent sentences were received as so many expressions of treason, and only tended to inflame his adversaries. Accordingly, the bishops appointed by the council, stripped him of his priestly garments, degraded him, and put a paper mitre on his head, on which were painted devils, with this inscription: "A ring-leader of heretics." This mockery was received by the heroic martyr with an air of unconcern, and it seemed to give him dignity rather than disgrace. A serenity appeared in his looks, which indicated that his soul had cut off many stages of a tedious journey in her way to the realms of everlasting happiness, and when the bishops urged him to yet recant, he turned to the people, and addressed them thus:--

"These lords and bishops exhort and counsel me, that I should here confess before you all, that I have erred; to which, if it were such as might be done with the infamy and reproach of man only, they might, peradventure, easily persuade me thereunto; but now truly I am in the sight of the Lord my God, without whose great displeasure, and disquietude of mine own conscience, I could by no means do that which they require of me. For I well know that I never taught any of those things which they have falsely alleged against me, but I have always preached, taught, written, and thought contrary thereunto. With what countenance then should I behold the heavens? With what face should I look upon them whom I have taught, whereof there is a great number, if through me it should come to pass that those things, which they have hitherto known to be most certain and sure, should now be made uncertain? Should I by this example astonish or trouble so many souls, so many consciences, endued with the most firm and certain knowledge of the scriptures and gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ and his most pure doctrine, armed against all the assaults of Satan? I will never do it, neither commit any such kind of offence, that I should seem more to esteem this vile carcass appointed unto death, than their health and salvation."

At this most godly speech he was forced again to hear, by the consent of the bishops, that he obstinately and maliciously persevered in his pernicious and wicked errors. The ceremony of degradation being over, the bishops delivered him to the emperor, who put him into the care of the duke of Bavaria. His books were consumed at the gates of the church; and on the 6th of July he was led to the suburbs of Constance to be burnt alive. When he had reached the place of execution, he fell on his knees, sung several portions of the Psalms, looked stedfastly towards heaven, and repeated, "Into thy hands, O Lord! do I commit my spirit: thou hast redeemed me, O most good and faithful God." As soon as the chain was put about him at the stake, he said, with a smiling countenance, "My Lord Jesus Christ was bound with a harder chain than this for my sake, why then should I be ashamed of this old rusty one?" When the fagots were piled around him, the duke of Bavaria was so officious as to desire him to abjure. His noble reply was, "No, I never preached any doctrine of an evil tendency; and what I taught with my lips I now seal with my blood." He then said to the executioner, "You are now going to burn a goose, (the name of Huss signifying goose in the Bohemian language,) but in a century you will have a swan whom you can neither roast nor boil." If this were spoken in prophecy, he must have meant Martin Luther, who shone about a hundred years after, and who had a swan for his arms--whether suggested by this circumstance or on account of family descent and heraldry is not known. As soon as the fagots were lighted, the heroic martyr sung a hymn, with so loud and cheerful a voice, that he was heard through all the crackling of the combustibles, and the noise of the multitude. At length his voice was interrupted by the flames, which soon put a period to his mortal life, and wafted his undying spirit, which no fire of earth could subdue or touch, to the regions of everlasting glory.

 

Account of the Life, Sufferings, and Martyrdom of Jerome of Prague, Who Was Burnt At Constance, In Germany, For Maintaining the Doctrine of Wickliffe.

This hero in the cause of truth was born at Prague, and educated in its university, where he soon became distinguished for his learning and eloquence. Having completed his studies, he travelled over great part of Europe, and visited many of the seats of learning, particularly the universities of Paris, Heidelburg, Cologne, and Oxford. At the latter he became acquainted with the works of Wickliffe, and being a person of uncommon application, he translated many of them into his own language, having with great pains made himself master of the English. On his return to Prague, he openly professed the doctrines of Wickliffe; and finding that they had made considerable progress in Bohemia, from the industry and zeal of Huss, he became his assistant in the great work.

On the 4th of April, A.D. 1415, Jerome went to constance. This was about three months before the death of Huss. He entered the town privately, and consulting with some of the leaders of his party, was easily convinced that he could render his friend no service. Finding that his arrival at Constance was publicly known, and that the council intended to seize him, he prudently retired, and went to Iberling, an imperial town at a short distance. While here he wrote to the emperor, and avowed his readiness to appear before the council, if he would give a safe-conduct; this, however, was refused. He then applied to the council, but met with an answer equally unfavourable. After this, he caused papers to be put up in all the public places of Constance, particularly on the door of the cardinal's house. In these he professed his willingness to appear at Constance in the defence of his character and doctrine, both which he said had been greatly falsified. He farther declared, that if any error should be proved against him he would retract it; desiring only that the faith of the council might be given for his security.

Receiving no answer to these papers, he set out on his return to Bohemia, previously adopting the precaution to take with him a certificate signed by several of the Bohemian nobility then at Constance, testifying that he had used every prudent means in his power to procure an audience. Notwithstanding this he was seized on his way, without any authority, by an officer belonging to the duke of Sultzbach, who hoped thereby to receive commendations from the council for so acceptable a service. The duke of Sultzbach immediately wrote to the council, informing them what he had done, and asking directions how to proceed with Jerome. The council, after expressing their obligations to the duke, desired him to send the prisoner immediately to Constance. He was accordingly conveyed in irons, and, on his way, was met by the elector palatine, who caused a long chain to be fastened to Jerome, by which he was dragged like a wild beast to the cloister, whence, after some insults and examinations, he was conveyed to a tower, and fastened to a block with his legs in the stocks. In this manner he remained eleven days and nights, till becoming dangerously ill, they, in order to satiate their malice still farther, relieved him from that painful state. He remained confined till the martyrdom of his friend Huss; after which he was brought forth and threatened with immediate torments and death if he remained obstinate. Terrified at the preparations of pain, in a moment of weakness he forgot his manliness and resolution, abjured his doctrines, and confessed that Huss merited his fate, and that both he and Wickliffe were heretics. In consequence of this his chains were taken off, and his harsh treatment done away. He was, however, still confined, with daily hopes of liberation. But his enemies suspecting his sincerity, another form of recantation was drawn up and proposed to him. He, however, refused to answer this, except in public, and was accordingly brought before the council, when, to the astonishment of his auditors, and to the glory of truth, he renounced his recantation, and requested permission to plead his own cause, which being refused, he thus vented his indignation:

"What barbarity is this? For thee hundred and forty days have I been confined in a variety of prisons. There is not a misery, there is not a want, which I have not experienced. To my enemies you have allowed the fullest scope of accusation: to me, you deny the least opportunity of defence. Not an hour will you now indulge me in preparing for my trial. You have swallowed the blackest calumnies against me. You have represented me as a heretic, without knowing my doctrine; as an enemy to the faith, before you knew what faith I professed. You are a general council: in you centre all which this world can communicate of gravity, wisdom, and sanctity: but still you are men, and men are seducible by appearances. The higher your character is for wisdom, the greater ought your care to be not to deviate into folly. The cause I now plead is not my own, it is the cause of men: it is the cause of Christians: it is a cause which is to affect the rights of posterity, however the experiment is to be made in my person."

This speech, the eloquence and force of which are worthy of the best ages, produced no effect on the obdurate foes of Jerome. They proceeded with his charge, which was reduced to five articles--That he was a derider of the papal dignity--an opposer of the pope himself--an enemy to the cardinals--a persecutor of the bishops--and a despiser of Christianity! To these charges Jerome answered with an amazing force of eloquence and strength of argument. "Now, whither shall I turn me? To my accusers? My accusers are as deaf as adders. To you, my judges? You are all prepossessed by the arts of my accusers." After this speech he was immediately remanded to his prison. The third day from this his trial was brought on, and witnesses were examined in support of the charge. The prisoner was prepared for his defence, which appears almost incredible, when we consider he had been nearly a year shut up in loathsome dungeons, deprived of day-light, and almost starved for want of common necessaries. But his spirit soared above these disadvantages.

The most bigoted of the assembly were unwilling he should be heard, dreading the effects of eloquence in the cause of truth, on the minds of the most prejudiced. This was such as to excite the envy of the greatest persons of his time. "Jerome," said Gerson, the chancellor of Paris, at his accusation, "when thou wast in Paris, thou wast thyself, by means of thine eloquence an angel; and dist trouble the whole university." At length it was carried by the majority, that he should have liberty to proceed in his defence; which he began in such an exalted strain, and continued with such a torrent of elocution, that the obdurate heart was seen to melt, and the mind of superstition seemed to admit a ray of conviction. He began to deduce from history the number of great and virtuous men who had, in their time, been condemned and punished as evil persons, but whom after generations had proved to have deserved honour and reward. He laid before the assembly the whole tenor of his life and conduct. He observed that the greatest and most holy men had been known to differ in points of speculation, with a view to distinguish truth, not to keep it concealed. He expressed a noble contempt of all his enemies, who would have induced him to retract the cause of virtue and truth, and upbraided his late and momentary weakness, which led him to deny himself and forget his glory. He entered on a high encomium on Huss; and declared he was ready to follow him to martyrdom. He then proceeded to defend the doctrines of the English luminary Wickliffe; and concluded with observing, that it was far from his intention to advance any thing against the state of the church of God; that it was only against the abuses of the clergy he complained; and that it was certainly impious that the patrimony of the church, which was originally intended for the purpose of charity and universal benevolence, should be prostituted to sensual and sordid gratification to "the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, and the pride of life," which the apostle expressly declares "are not of the Father, but of the world."

The trial being ended, Jerome received the same sentence as had been passed on his martyred countryman, and was, in the usual style of popish duplicity, delivered over to the civil power; but being a layman he had not to undergo the ceremony of degradation. His persecutors, however, prepared for him a cap of paper, painted with red devils, which being put upon his head, he said, "Our Lord Jesus Christ, when he suffered death for me a most miserable sinner, did wear a crown of thorns upon his head; and I, for his sake, will wear this adorning of derision and blasphemy." Two days they delayed the execution in hopes that he would recant; meanwhile the cardinal of Florence used his utmost endeavours to bring him over: but they all proved ineffectual: Jerome was resolved to seal his doctrine with his blood.

On his way to the place of execution he sung several hymns; and on arriving at the spot, the same where Huss had suffered, he kneeled down and prayed fervently. He embraced the stake with great cheerfulness and resolution; and when the executioner went behind him to set fire to the fagots, he said, "Come here, and kindle it before my eyes; for had I been afraid of it, I had not come here, having had so many opportunities to escape." When the flames began to envelope him, he sung another hymn; and the last words he was heard to say were,

"Hanac animam in flammis affero, Christe, tibi!"
"This soul in flames I offer, Christ, to thee!"

He was of a fine and manly form, and possessed a strong and healthy constitution, which served to render his death extremely painful, for he was observed to live an unusual time in the midst of the flames. He, however, sung till his aspiring soul took its flight from its mortal habitation, as in a fiery chariot, which seemed rather sent by God than prepared by man, to convey his blessed spirit from earth to heaven in the sight of a thousand witnesses.

 

 

History of the English Martyrdom and Reformation, with an Account of Wickliffe and His Doctrines.

The first serious attempts made in England towards the reformation of the church, took place in the reign of Edward III. about A.D. 1350, when the morning star of that glorious day arose in our hemisphere--JOHN WICKLIFFE. He was public reader of divinity in the university of Oxford, and, by the learned of his day, was accounted most deeply versed in theology and all kinds of philosophy. This even his adversaries allowed. Walden, his bitterest enemy, writing to pope Martin, says, that he was astonished at his most strong arguments, with the places of authority which he had gathered, with the vehemency and force of his reasons. At his appearing, the greatest darkness pervaded the church. Little but the name of Christ remained among the Christians, while his true and lively doctrine was as far unknown unto the most part, as his name was common unto all men. As touching faith, consolation, the end and use of the law, the office of Christ, of our impotency and weakness, of the Holy Ghost, of the greatness and strength of sin, of true works, grace, and free justification by faith, wherein consisteth and resteth the sum and matter of our profession, there was scarcely the mention of a word. Scripture, learning, and divinity, were known but to a few, and in the schools only, and there it was turned and converted almost entirely into sophistry. Instead of Peter and Paul, men occupied their time in studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the master of sentences. The world leaving and forsaking the lively power of God's spiritual word and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies and human traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner, of all christian perfection did consist and depend. In these was all the hope of obtaining salvation fully fixed: hereunto all things were attributed. Scarcely any other thing was seen in the temples or churches, taught or spoken of in sermons, or finally intended or gone about in their whole life, but only heaping up of certain shadowed ceremonies upon ceremonies; and the people were taught to worship no other thing but that which they saw, and almost all they saw they worshipped.

The christian faith was at that time counted none other thing but that every man should know that Christ once suffered, that is to say, that all men should know and understand that thing which the devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was substituted for holiness. All men were so addicted to outward shews, that even they which professed the most absolute and singular knowledge of the scriptures, scarcely understood any other thing. And this did evidently appear, not only in the common sort of doctors and teachers, but also in the very heads of the church; whose whole religion and piety consisted in observing days, meats, and rainment, and such like rhetorical circumstances, as of place, time, person, &c. Hence sprang so many sorts and fashions of vestures and garments; so many differences of colours and meats, with so many pilgrimages to several places, as though St. James at Compostella could do that which Christ could not do at Canterbury; or else that God were not of like power and strength in every place, or could not be found but as being sought for by running hither and thither. Then the holiness of the whole year was put off unto the Lent season. No country or land was counted holy, but only Palestine, where Christ had walked himself with his human feet. Such was the blindness of that time, that men strove and fought for the material cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief strength of our faith. The Romish champions never ceased, by writings, admonishing and counselling, yea, and by quarrelling, to move and stir up princes to war and battle, even as though the faith and belief of the gospel were of small force or little effect without that wooden appendage. This was the cause of the expedition of king Richard unto Jerusalem; who being taken in the journey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks.

Wickliffe boldly published his belief with regard to the several articles of religion, in which he differed from the common doctrine. Pope Gregory XI. hearing this, condemned some of his tenets, and commanded the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of London, to oblige him to subscribe the condemnation of them; and in case of refusal to summon him to Rome. This commission could not easily be executed, Wickliffe having great friends, the chief of whom was John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, who enjoyed very great power, and was resolved to protect him. The archbishop holding a synod at St. Paul's, Wickliffe appeared, accompanied by the duke of Lancaster and lord Percy, marshal of England, when a dispute arising whether Wickliffe should answer sitting or standing, the duke of Lancaster proceeded to threats, and gave the bishop very hard words. The people present thinking the bishop in danger, sided with him, so that the duke and the earl-marshal thought it prudent to retire, and to take Wickliffe with them.

Soon after this an insurrection ensued, some incendiaries spreading a report that the duke of Lancaster had persuaded the king to take away the privileges of the city of London; which fires the people to such a degree that they broke open the Marshalsea, and freed all the prisoners; and not contented with this, a number of them went to the duke's palace in the Savoy, when missing his person, they plundered his house, and dragged his armour and weapons through the streets. For this outrage the duke of Lancaster caused the lord mayor and alderment to be turned out, imagining that they had not used their authority to quell the mutineers. After this, the bishops meeting a second time, Wickliffe explained to them his sentiments with regard to the sacrament of the eucharist, in opposition to the belief of the Romanists; for which the bishops only enjoined him silence, not daring at that time to go to greater lengths.

A circumstance remarkably providential occurred at this period, which greatly tended to facilitate the cause of truth. This was a wide schism in the church of Rome. After the death of pope Gregory XI., who, in the midst of his anxiety to crush Wickliffe and his doctrines, was removed from his mortal career, the rise of the shcism took place. Urban VI., who succeeded to the papal chair, was so proud and insolent to his cardinals, to dukes, princes, and queens, and so determined to advance his nephews and kindred, to the injury of princes, that the greatest number of his cardinals and courtiers gradually shrunk from him, and set up another French pope against him, named Clement, who reigned eleven years. After him Benedictus XIII. was elected, who reigned twenty-six years. On the contrary side, Urban VI. succeeded Boniface IX. Innocentius VIII. Gregory XII. Alexander B. and John XIII. Concerning this miserable schism, it would require another Iliad to comprehend in order all its circumstances and tragical parts; what trouble in the whole church, what parts taking in every country, what apprehending and imprisoning of priests and prelates taken by land and sea, and what shedding of blood followed in consequence. Otho, duke of Brunswick and prince of Tarentum, were taken and murdered. Joan his wife, queen of Jerusalem and Sicilia, who before had sent to pope Urban, in addition to other gifts at his coronation, 40,000 ducats in pure gold, was by the said Urban committed to prison, and there strangled. Cardinals were racked without mercy, and tormented on gibbets, rather than instantly put to death. Battles were fought between the two popes, whereof 5000 on the one side were slain, besides the number of them which were taken prisoners. The cardinals were beheaded on one day, after long torments. The bishop of Aquilonensis, being suspected by pope Urban for not riding faster with the pope, his horse not being good, was slain by the pope sending his soldiers to cut him in pieces. Thus did these demons in human form continue to torment one another for the space of thirty-nine years, until the council of Constance somewhat appeased their wrath.

Wickliffe paid less regard to the injunctions of the bishops than to his duty to God, continued to promulgate his doctrines, and gradually to unveil the truth to the eyes of men. He wrote several works, which, as may be supposed, gave great alarm and offence to the existing clergy. But by the protection of the duke of Lancaster, he was secure from their malice. He translated the Bible into English, which, amidst the ignorance of the time, had the effect of the sun breaking forth in a dark night. To this Bible he prefixed a bold preface, wherein he reflected on the bad lives of the clergy, and condemned the worship of saints, images, and the corporeal presence of Christ in the sacrament: but what offended his enemies most was, his exhorting all people to read the Scriptures, in which testimonies against those corruptions appeared so strongly, that the only way to prevent their being blazoned to the world was not to permit the sacred writings to be translated or known.

About the same time fell a dissension in England between the people and the nobility, which did not a little disturb the common-wealth. In this tumult Simon of Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, was taken by the people and beheaded. In his place succeeded William Courtenay, who was no less diligent than his predecessor had been, in doing his utmost to root out heretics. Notwithstanding this formidable opposition Wickliffe's sect increased privily, and daily grew to greater force, until the time that William Barton, vice-chancellor of Oxford, had the whole rule of that university, who, calling together eight monastical doctors, and four others, with the consent of the rest of his affinity, put the common seal of the university to an edict, declaring unto every man, and threatening them under a grievous penalty, that none should hereafter associate themselves with any of Wickliffe's favourers. Unto Wickliffe himself he threatened the greater excommunication, and farther imprisonment, unless after three days canonical admonition or warning he did repent and amend; which when Wickliffe understood, forsaking the pope and all the clergy, he thought to appeal unto the king; but the duke of Lancaster interposing forbad him; whereby, being beset with troubles and vexations, as it were in the midst of the waves, he was to avoid the rigour of things, he by qualifying his assertions, mitigated the severity he would otherwise have met with.

In consequence of Wickliffe's translation of the Bible and of his preface, his followers greatly multiplied. Many of them, indeed, were not men of learning; but being wrought upon by the conviction of plain reason, this determined them in their persuasion. In a short time his doctrines made great progress, being not only espoused by vast numbers of the students of Oxford, but also by the great men at court, particularly by the duke of Lancaster and lord Percy, together with several young and well educated gentlemen. Hence Wickliffe may be considered as the great founder of the reformation in this kingdom. He was of Merton college in Oxford, where he took his doctor's degree, and became so eminent for his fine genius and great learning, that Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, having founded Canterbury college, now Christ Church, in Oxford, appointed him rector: which employment he filled with universal approbation, till the death of the archbishop. Langhalm, successor to Islip, being desirous of favouring the monks, and introducing them into the college, attempted to remove Wickliffe, and to put one Woodhall, a monk, in his room. But the fellows of the college would never consent to this, they loving their old rector; but this affair being afterwards carried to Rome, Wickliffe was deprived in favour of Woodhall. However, this no ways lessened the reputation of the reformer, every one perceiving it was a general affair, and that the monks did not so much strike at Wickliffe's person, as at all the secular priests who were members of the college. And indeed, they were all turned out to make room for the monks. Shortly after he was presented to the living of Lutterworth, in the county of Leicester, and he there published, in his sermons and writings, certain opinions, which were judged new, because contrary to the received doctrine of those days. It must be observed, that his most bitter enemies never charged him with any immorality. This great man was left in quiet at Lutterworth till his death, which happened December 31, 1385. But after his body had lain in the grave forty-one years, his bones were taken up by decree of the synod of Constance, publicly burnt, and his ashes thrown into the river near the town. This condemnation of his doctrine did not prevent its spreading all over the kingdom, and with such success, that, according to spelman, two men could not be found together, and one not a Lollard or Wickliffe.

The following are among the articles of Wickliffe which were condemned as heretical: The substance of material bread and wine doth remain in the sacrament of the altar after the consecration--The accidents do not remain without the subjects in the same sacrament, after the consecration--Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar truly and really, in his proper and corporeal person--If a bishop of a priest be in deadly sin, he doth not ordain, consecrate, nor baptize--If a man be duly and truly contrite and penitent, all exterior and other confession is but superfluous and unprofitable unto him--It is not found or established by the gospel that Christ did make or ordain mass--If the pope be a reprobate and evil man, and consequently a member of the devil, he hath no power by any manner of means given unto him over faithful Christians--Since the time of Urban VI. there is none to be received for pope, but every man is to live after the manner of the Greeks, under his own law--It is against the Scripture, that ecclesiastical ministers should have any temporal possessions--No prelate ought to excommunicate any man except he knew him first to be excommunicate of God--He who doth so excommunicate any man, is thereby himself either a heretic or excommunicated--All such who leave off preaching or hearing the word of God, or preaching the gospel for fear of excommunication, they are already excommunicated, and in the day of judgment shall be counted as traitors unto God--It is lawful for any man, either deacon or priest, to preach the word of God without authority or licence of the apostolic see or any other of his catholics--So long as a man is in deadly sin, he is neither bishop nor prelate in the church of God.

Wickliffe had written divers works, which in the year 1410 were burnt at Oxford, the abbot of Shrewsbury being then commissary. And not only in England, but in Bohemia likewise, his books were set on fire by one Subinicus, archbishop of Prague, who made diligent inquisition for all the reformer had written. The number of the volumes composed and transcribed, said to have been destroyed, were most excellently and richly adorned with bosses of gold, and embellished coverings, being about the number of two hundred. But among all that he wrote no piece is more interesting for its size than the following letter, which he addressed to pope Urban VI. in the year 1382.

"Verily I do rejoice to open and declare unto every man the faith which I do hold, and specially unto the bishop of Rome; the which forasmuch as I do suppose to be sound and true, he will most willingly confirm my said faith, or, if it be erroneous, amend the same.

"First, I suppose that the gospel of Christ is the whole body of God's law; and that Christ which did give that same law himself, I believe to be a very man, and in that point, to exceed the law of the gospel, and all other parts of the scripture. Again, I do give and hold the bishop of Rome, forsomuch as he is the vicar of Christ here in earth, to be bound most of all other men unto that law of the gospel. For the greatness among Christ's disciples did not consist in worldly dignity or honours, but in the near and exact following of Christ in his life and manners: whereupon I do gather out of the heart of the law of the Lord, that Christ for the time of his pilgrimage here was a most poor man, abjecting and casting off all worldly rule and honour, as appeareth by the gospel of St. Matthew, the eighth chapter, and the second of the Corinthians, the eighth chapter.

"Hereby I do fully gather, that no faithful man ought to follow either the pope himself, or any of the holy men, but in such points as they have followed the Lord Jesus. For Peter and the sons of Zebedee, by desiring worldly honour, contrary to the following of Christ's steps, did offend, and therefore in those errors they ought not to be followed.

"Hereof I do gather, as a counsel, that the pope ought to leave unto the secular power all temporal dominion and rule, and thereunto, effectually to move and exhort his whole clergy; for so did Christ, and especially by his apostles. Wherefore if I have erred in any of these points, I will most humbly submit myself unto correction, even by death if necessity so require; and if I could labour according to my will or desire in mime own person, I would surely present myself before the bishop of Rome; but the Lord hath otherwise visited me to the contrary, and hath taught me rather to obey God than man. Forsomuch then as God hath given unto the pope just and true evangelical instinctions, we ought to pray that they be not extinguished by any subtle or crafty device.

"And that the pope and cardinals be not moved to do any thing contrary unto the law of the Lord. Wherefore let us pray unto our God, that he will so stir up our pope Urban VI. as he began, that he with his clergy may follow the Lord Jesus Christ in life and manners; and that they may teach the people effectually; and that they likewise may faithfully follow them in the same. And let us specially pray, that our pope may be preserved from all malign and evil counsel, which we do know that evil and envious men of his household would give him. And seeing the Lord will not suffer us to be tempted above our power, much less then will he require of any creature to do that thing which they are not able; forsomuch as that is the plain condition and manner of antichrist."

In the council of the Lateran, a decree was made with regard to heretics, which required all magistrates to extirpate them upon pain of forfeiture and deposition. The canons of this council being received in England, the prosecution of heretics became a part of the common law; and a writ, styled de heretico comburendo, was issued under king Henry IV. for burning them upon their conviction; after which special statutes were made, which commenced under Richard II., about the year 1390. The first made was assented to only by the lords; but the king sanctioned it without the concurrence of the commons. Yet the utmost extent of the severity in this was, that writs should be issued to the laws of the church. It appears that those heretics were, at this time, very numerous, that they wore a peculiar habit, preached in churches and may other places against the existing faith, and refused to pay obedience to ecclesiastical censures.

On the accession of Henry IV. to the crown in 1399, as he owed it in a great measure to the clergy, he passed an act against all who should presume to preach without the bishop's licence, or against the established church. It was enacted that all transgressors of this kind should be imprisoned, and be brought to trial within three months. If upon conviction they offered to abjure, and were not relapsed, they were to be imprisoned and fined at pleasure; but if they refused to abjure, or were relapsed, they were to be delivered over to the secular arm; and the magistrates were to burn them in some public place. About this time William Sautre, parish priest of St. Osith in London, being condemned as a relapse, and degraded by Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, a writ was issued, wherein burning is called the common punishment, and referred to the customs of other nations. This was the first example of that cruel punishment in this kingdom.

The clergy, alarmed lest the doctrines of Wickliffe should ultimately become established, used every exertion in their power to check them. In the reign of Richard II. the bishops obtained a general licence to imprison heretics without being obliged to procure a special order from court, which however the house of commons caused to be revoked. But as the fear of imprisonment could not check the evil dreaded by the bishops, Henry IV., whose particular object was to win the affection of the clergy, earnestly recommended to parliament the concerns of the church. How reluctant soever the house of commons might be to prosecute the Lollards, the credit of the court, and the cabals of the clergy, at last obtained a most detestable act, for burning obstinate heretics; which bloody statute was not repealed till the year 1677. It was immediately after the passing of this statute that the ecclesiastical court condemned William Sautre to the flames.

Notwithstanding the opposition of the popish clergy, Wickliffe's doctrine continued to spread in Henry the IVth's reign, even to such a degree, that the majority of the house of commons were inclined to it; whence they presented two petitions to the king, one against the clergy, the other in favour of the Lollards. The first set forth, that the clergy made ill use of their wealth, and consumed their income in a manner quite different from the intent of the donors; that their revenues were excessive, and consequently it would be necessary to lessen them that so many estates might easily be seized as would provide for one hundred and fifty earls at the rate of three thousand marks a year each, one thousand five hundred barons at one hundred marks each, six thousand two hundred knights at forty marks, and one hundred hospitals; that by this means the safety of the kingdom might be better provided for, the poor better maintained, and the clergy more devoted to their duty. In the second petition the commons prayed, that the statute passed against the Lollards in the second year of this reign might be repealed, or qualified with some restrictions. As it was the king's interest to please the clergy, he answered the commons very sharply, that he neither could nor would consent to their petitions. And with regard to the Lollards, he declared that he wished the heretics were extirpated out of the land. To prove the truth of this, he signed a warrant for burning a man in humble life, but of strong mind and sound piety, named Thomas Badly.

This individual was a layman, and by trade a tailor. He was arraigned in the year 1409 before the bishop of Worchester, and convicted of heresy. On his examination he said, that it was impossible any priest could make the body of Christ sacramentally, nor would he believe it unless he saw manifestly the corporeal body of the Lord to be handled by the priest at the altar; that it was ridiculous to imagine that at the supper, Christ held in his own hand his own body and divided it among his disciples, and yet remaining whole. "I believe," said he, "the Omnipotent God in trinity; but if every consecrated host at the altar be Christ's body, there must then be in England no less than 20,000 gods." After this he was brought before the archbishop of Canterbury at St. Paul's church, and again examined in presence of a great number of bishops, the duke of York, and several of the first nobility. Great pains were used to make him recant; but he courageously answered that he would still abide by his former opinions, which no power should force him to forego. On this the archbishop of Canterbury ratified the sentence given by the bishop of Worcester. When the king has signed the warrant for his death, he was brought to Smithfield, and there being put into an empty tub, was bound with iron chains fastened to a stake, and had dry wood piled around him. As he was thus standing before the wood was lighted, it happened that the prince, the king's eldest son, came near the spot; who acting the part of the good Samaritan, began to endeavour to save the life of him whom the hypocritical Levites and Pharisees sought to put to death. He admonished and counselled him, that having respect to himself he should speedily withdraw out of these dangerous labyrinths of opinions, adding oftentimes threatenings, the which might have daunted any man. Also Courtenay, at that time chancellor of Oxford, preached unto him, and urged upon him the faith of the holy church.

In the mean time the prior of St. Bartholomew's in Smithfield, brought with all the solemnity the sacrament of Christ's body, with twelve torches borne before, and shewed the host to the poor man at the stake. He then demanded of him how he believed in it; he answered, that he knew well it was hallowed bread, but not God's body. Then was the tun put over him, and fire applied to it. On feeling the fire, he cried, "Mercy!"--calling likewise upon the Lord--when the prince immediately commanded to take away the tun, and quench the fire. He then asked him if he would forsake heresy, and take the faith of holy church, which, if he would do, he should have goods enough, promising him also a yearly pension out of the king's treasury. But this valiant champion of Christ, neglecting the prince's fair words, as also contemning all men's devices, refused the offer of worldly promises, being more inflamed with the spirit of God, than with any earthly desire. Wherefore, as he continued immoveable in his former mind, the prince commanded him to be put again into the tun, and that he should not afterward look for any grace or favour. As he could be allured by no reward, so he was nothing at all abashed at their torments, but, as a valiant soldier of Christ, he persevered invincibly till his body was reduced to ashes, and his soul rose triumphant unto God who gave it.

At the commencement of the reign of Henry V. about 1413, a pretended conspiracy, evidently of priestly contrivance, was said to be discovered of Sir John Oldcastle, and some others of the followers of Wickliffe. Many of these were condemned, both for high treason and heresy; they were first hanged, and afterwards burnt. A law followed, enacting that all Lollards should forfeit their whole possessions in fee simple, with their goods and chattels; and all sheriffs and magistrates, from the lord chancellor to the meanest officer, were required to take an oath to destroy them and their heresies, and to assist the ordinaries in the suppression of them. The clergy made an ill use of this law, and vexed every one who any ways offended them, with imprisonment; upon which the judges interposing, they examined the grounds of such commitments, and, as they saw cause, either bailed or discharged the prisoners; and took upon them to declare what opinions were heresies by law, and what were not. Thus the people flew for protection to the judges, and found more mercy from the common lawyers, than from those who ought to have been the pastors of their souls.

The persecutions of the Lollards in the reign of Henry V. were owing to the cruel instigations of the clergy, as that monarch was naturally averse to cruelty. It is supposed, that the chief cause of the violent hatred which the clergy bore to the Lollards, was, that they had endeavoured to strip them of part of their revenues. However this might be, they thought that the most effectual way to check the progress of Wickliffe's doctrine, would be to attack the then chief protector of it, Sir John Oldcastle, baron of Cobham; and to persuade the king that the Lollards were engaged in conspiracies to overturn the throne and state. It was even reported that they intended to murder the king, together with the princes his brothers, with most of the lords spiritual and temporal, in hopes that the confusion which must necessarily arise in the kingdom, after such a massacre, would prove favourable to their religion. Upon this a false rumour was spread, that Sir John Oldcastle had got together 20,000 men in St. Gile's in the Fields, a place then overgrown with bushes. The king himself went thither at midnight, and finding no more than fourscore or a hundred persons, who were privately met upon a religious account, he fell upon them and killed many, it is supposed before he knew of the purpose of their meeting. Some of them being afterwards examined, were prevailed upon merely by promises or threats, to confess whatever their enemies desired; and these accused Sir John Oldcastle.

The king hereupon thought him guilty; and in that belief set a thousand marks upon his head, with a promise of perpetual exemption from taxes to any town which should secure him. Sir John was apprehended and imprisoned in the Tower; but escaping from thence he fled into Wales, where he long concealed himself. But being afterwards seized in Powisland, in North Wales, by John Grey, Lord Powis, he was brought to London, to the great joy of the clergy, who were highly incensed against him, and resolved to sacrifice him to strike a terror into the rest of the Lollards. Sir John was of a very good family, had been sheriff of Hethfordshire under Henry IV. and summoned to parliament among the barons of the realm in that reign. He had been sent beyond sea with the earl of Arundel, to assist the duke of Burgundy against the French. In a word, he was a man of extraordinary merit, notwithstanding which he was condemned to be hanged up by the waist with a chain, and burnt alive. This most barbarous sentence was executed amidst the curses and imprecations of the priests and monks, who used their utmost endeavours to prevent the people from praying for him. Such was the tragical end of Sir John Oldcastle, baron of Cobham, who left the world with a resolution and constancy, which answered perfectly to the brave spirit he had ever maintained in the cause of truth and of his God. This was the first noble blood shed by popish cruelty in England.

Not satisfied with his single death, the clergy got the parliament to make fresh statutes against the Lollards: they never ceasing, with amazing eagerness, to require their blood. It was enacted, among other things, that whoever read the scriptures in English, should forfeit land, chattels, goods, and life, and be condemned as heretics to God, enemies to the crown, and traitors to the kingdom; that they should not have the benefit of any sanctuary; and that, if they continued obstinate, or relapsed after being pardoned, they should first be hanged for treason against the king, and then burned for heresy against God. The act was no sooner passed, than a violent persecution was raised against the Lollards: several of them were burnt alive, some fled the kingdom, and others abjured their religion, to escape the torments prepared for them. From this picture of the horrid barbarities exercised in those times, we may justly bless those we live in, when nothing of that sort is practised, but when all are permitted to obey the dictates of their own conscience, and openly profess their respective religion, provided they do not disturb the tranquillity of the kingdom. The most likely means of preserving the nation in this security is for every cruel statute to be expunged, and for the power and virtue of Christian truth to be trusted with the sole defence of our orthodoxy and our lives.

The following is the confession of the virtuous and Christian martyr whose death we have just described; which, from its clearness and simplicity, is well worthy of remembrance. He commences with the apostle's creed.

"I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth: and in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried, went down to hell, the third day arose again from death, ascended up to Heaven, sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty; and from thence shall come again to judge the quick and the dead. I believe in the Holy Ghost, the universal holy church, the communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins, the uprising of the flesh, and everlasting life. Amen.

"For a more large declaration of this my faith in the catholic church, I stedfastly believe, that there is but one God Almighty, in and of whose godhead are these three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and that those three persons are the self-same God Almighty. I believe also, that the second person in this most blessed trinity, in most convenient time appointed thereunto before, took flesh and blood of the most blessed virgin Mary, for the safeguard and redemption of the universal kind of man, which was before lost in Adam's offence. Moreover, I believe, that the same Jesus Christ our Lord, thus being both God and man, is the only head of the whole christian church, and that all those that have been or shall be saved, be members of this most holy church. Whereof the first sort be now in Heaven, and they are the saints from hence departed. These, as they were here conversant, conformed always their lives to the most holy laws and pure examples of Christ, renouncing Satan, the world, and the flesh, with all their concupiscence and evils. The other sort are here upon earth, and called the church militant. For day and night they contend against crafty assaults of the devil, the flattering prosperities of the world, and the rebellious filthiness of the flesh."

As touching the power and authority of the keys, the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, he said, that the pope is very antichrist, that is, the head; that the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, be his members, and that the friars be his tail. The which pope, archbishops, and bishops, a man ought not to obey, but so far forth as they were followers of Christ and of Peter, in their life, manners, and conversation, and that he is the successor of Peter which is best and purest in life and manners. "These men," said he, on his examination, to the people who stood about him, "which judge and would condemn me, will seduce you all and themselves, and will lead you unto hell; therefore take heed of them."

 

 

Historical Account of the Progress of the Reformation in the Reign of King Henry VII.

The reader will, doubtless, attend to the transactions recorded in this reign with peculiar interest. It was at this period that God, through the instrumentality of the king, liberated our happy country from the papal yoke, when England became an independent as well as protestant kingdom, and the ascendance of the papal power over this island was preparing to be scattered to the four winds, never more to be able to recover its settlement in a region so adverse to its character and claims.

The wars between the houses of York and Lancaster had produced such fatal revolutions, and cast England into such frequent convulsions, that the nation with great joy hailed the accession of Henry VII. to the throne, who being himself descended from the house of Lancaster, by his marriage with the heiress of the house of York, freed them from the fear of any more wars by new pretenders. But the covetousness of his temper, the severity of his ministers, his ill conduct in the matter of Britagne, and his jealousy of the house York, made him so generally odious to his people, that his life was little respected, and his death as little lamented. Henry VIII. succeeded, with all the advantages he could have desired. His disgracing Empson and Dudley, the cruel ministers of his father's designs for filling his coffers, his appointing restitution to be made of the sums that had been unjustly exacted of the people under covert of the king's prerogative, made the nation conclude they should hereafter live secure, under the protection of such a prince, and that the violent remedies of parliamentary judgments should be no more necessary, except as in this case, to confirm what had been done before in the ordinary courts of justice.

Either from the magnificence of his own temper, or the observation he had made of the ill effects of his father's parsimony, the new king distributed his rewards and largesses with an unmeasured bounty; so that he quickly exhausted the two millions which his father had treasured up, and emptied a coffer which he had left the fullest in christendom: but till the ill effects of this appeared, it raised in his court and subjects the greatest hopes possible of a prince, whose first actions shewed an equal mixture of justice and generosity.

The king had been educated with more than ordinary care: learning being then in its dawning, after a night of long and gross ignorance, his father had given orders that both his elder brother and he should be well instructed; not with any design to make him archbishop of Canterbury, for he had made small progress in theological and ecclesiastical lore, when his brother prince Arthur died, being then but eleven years old. The learning then most in credit among clergy was the scholastic divinity, which, by a shew of subtlety, recommended itself to curious persons; and being very suitable to a vain and contentious temper, agreed best with Henry's disposition. Further, being likely to draw the most flattery, it became the chief subject of his studies, in which he grew not only to be eminent for a prince, but he might really have passed for a learned man had his quality been never so mean. He delighted in the purity of the Latin tongue, understood philosophy, and was so great a master in music that he composed better than many professors of the art. He was a bountiful patron to all learned men, more particularly to Erasmus and Polydore Virgil, and delighted much in those returns which hungry scholars make to liberal princes; for he loved flattery our of measure, and he had enough of it to have surfeited a man of any modesty; for all the world, both at home and abroad, contended who should exceed most indecently in setting out his praises. The clergy carried it; for as he had merited most at their hands, both by espousing the interests of the papacy, and by his entering the lists with Luther, so those that hoped to be advanced by these arts, were as little ashamed in magnifying him out of measure, as he was in receiving their gross commendations.

One of the most conspicuous men of this, or perhaps of any other age, was Cardinal Wolsey. He was of mean extraction, but possessed great parts, and had a wonderful dexterity in insinuating himself into men's favours. He had but a little time been introduced to the king before he obtained an entire ascendancy over him, and the direction of all his affairs, and for fifteen years continued to be the most absolute favourite ever known in England. He saw the king was much set on his pleasures, and had a great aversion to business, and the other counsellors being unwilling to bear the load of affairs, were unwelcome to him, by pressing the king to govern by his own counsels; but he knew the methods of favourites better, and so was not only easy, but assistant to the king in his pleasures, and undertook to free him from the trouble of government, and to give him leisure to follow his appetites. This was the chief cause of that unbounded influence which Wolsey so soon acquired over a sovereign quite as ambitious as himself. The accidental circumstance of another and baser passion predominating in the king's heart over pure ambition, gave the crafty Wolsey an opening, which he did not for a moment neglect, of entering on a career which in different directions gratified equally both minister and monarch.

Wolsey soon became master of all the offices at home and treaties abroad, so that all affairs went as he directed them. He it seems became soon obnoxious to parliaments, and therefore tried but one during his ministry, where the supply was granted so scantily, that afterwards he chose rather to raise money by loans and benevolences, than by the free gift of the people in parliament. He in time became so scandalous for his ill life, that he grew to be a disgrace to his profession; for he not only served the king, but also shared with him in his pleasures, and became a prey to distempers of a sensual life. He was first made bishop of Tournay in Flanders, then of Lincoln, after that he was promoted to the see of York, and had both the abbey of St. Albans and the bishopric of Bath and Wells in commendam; the last he afterwards exchanged for Durham, and upon Fox's death, he quitted Durham that he might take Winchester; and besides all this, the king by a special grant, gave him power to dispose of all the ecclesiastical preferments in England; so that in effect he was the pope of this reforming country, as was said anciently of an archbishop of Canterbury, and no doubt but he copied skillfully enough those patterns that were set him at Rome. Being made a cardinal, and setting up a legatine court, he found it fit for his ambition to have the great seal likewise, that there might be no clashing between those two jurisdictions. He had, in one word, all the qualities necessary for a great minister, and all the vices common to a great favourite.

The manner of promotion to bishoprics and abbeys was then the same that had taken place ever since the investitures by the ring and staff were taken out of the hands of princes. Upon a vacancy the king seized on all the temporalities, and granted a licence for an election, with a special recommendation of the person; which being returned, the royal assent was given, and it was sent to Rome, that bulls might be issued, and then the bishop elect was consecrated: after that he came to the king and renounced every clause in the bulls that was contrary to the king's prerogative, or to the law, and swore fealty; and then were the temporalities restored. Nor could bulls be sued out at Rome without a licence under the great seal; so that the kings of England had reserved the power to themselves of promoting to ecclesiastical benefices, notwithstanding all the invasions the popes had made on their temporal authority.

The immunity of churchmen for crimes committed by them, till they were first degraded by the spirituality, occasioned the only contest that occurred in the beginning of this reign between the secular and ecclesiastical courts. Henry VII. had passed a law, that convicted clerks should be burnt in the hand. A temporary law was also made in the beginning of his reign, that murderers and robbers, not being bishops, priests, nor deacons, should be denied the benefit of the clergy: but this was to last only to the next parliament, and so being not continued by it, the act determined. The abbot of Winchelsea preached severely against it, as being contrary to the laws of God, and the liberties of the holy church, and said that all who assented to it had fallen under ecclesiastical censure. Afterwards he published a book to prove that all clerks, even of the lower orders, were sacred, and could not be judged by the temporal courts. This being done in parliament, the temporal lords and the commons addressed the king, desiring him to repress the insolence of the clergy. Accordingly a public hearing was appointed before his majesty and all the judges. Dr. Standish, a Franciscan, argued against the immunity, and proved that the judging clerks had in all times been practised in England; and that it was necessary for the peace and safety of mankind that all criminals should be punished. The abbot argued on the other side and said, it was contrary to a decree of the church, and was a sin in itself. Standish answered, that all decrees were not observed: for notwithstanding the decree for residence, bishops did not reside at their cathedrals. And since no decree was binding till it was received, this concerning immunity, which was never received in England, did not bind. After they had fully argued the matter, the laity were of opinion that the friar had the best of the argument; and therefore moved the king that the bishops might be ordered to make him preach a recantation sermon. But they refused to do it, and said they were bound by their oaths to maintain his opinion. Standish was upon this much hated by the clergy, but the matter was allowed to fall; yet the clergy carried the point, for the law was not continued.

Not long after this, an accident occurred that drew great consequences after it. Richard Hunne, a merchant in London, was sued by his parish priest for a mortuary in the legate's court; on this, his friends advised him to sue the priest in the temporal court for a premunire for bringing the king's subjects before a foreign and illegal bar. This incensed the clergy so much that they contrived his destruction. Accordingly, hearing that he had Wickliffe's Bible in his house, he was upon that put into the bishop's prison for heresy; but being examined upon sundry articles, he confessed some things, and submitted himself to mercy. On this they ought, according to the law, to have enjoined him penance and discharged him, it being his first crime: but he could not be prevailed on to let his suit fall in the temporal court; so one night his neck was broken with an iron chain, and he was wounded in other parts of his body, and then knit up in his own girdle, and it was given out that he had hanged himself; but the coroner's inquest by examining the body, and by several other evidences, particularly by the confession of the sumner, gave their verdict, that he was murdered by the bishop's chancellor, Dr. Horsey, the sumner, and the bell-ringer. The spiritual court proceeded against the dead body, and charged Hunne with all the heresy in Wickliffe's preface to the Bible, because that was found in his possession: thus he was condemned as a heretic, and his body was burnt.

The indignation of the people was raised to the highest pitch against this action, in which they implicated the whole body of the clergy, whom they esteemed no longer their pastors, but barbarous murderers. The rage went so high that the bishop of London complained he was not safe in his own house. The bishops, the chancellor, and the sumner were indicted as principals in the murder. In parliament an act passed restoring Hunne's children; but the commons sent up a bill concerning his murder, which, however, was laid aside by the lords, where the clergy were the majority. The clergy looked on the opposition that Standish had made in the point of their immunities, as that which gave the rise to Hunne's first suit; and the convocation cited him to answer for his conduct; but he claimed the king's protection, since he had done nothing, but only pleaded in the king's name. The clergy pretended they did not prosecute him for his pleading, but for some of his divinity lectures, contrary to the liberty of the church, which the king was bound to maintain by his coronation oath: but the temporal lords, the judges, and commons, prayed the king also to maintain the laws according to his coronation oath, and to give Standish his protection. The king upon this being in great perplexity, required Veysy, afterwards of bishop of Exeter, to declare upon his conscience and allegiance the truth in that matter. His opinion was against the immunity; so another public hearing being appointed, Standish was accused for teaching--that the inferior orders were not sacred; that their exemption was not founded on a divine right, but that the laity might punish them; that the canons of the church did not bind till they were received; and that the study of the canon law was useless. Of these opinions he denied some, and justified others. Veysy being required to give his opinion, alleged--that the laws of the church did only oblige where they were received; as the law of the celibate of the clergy, received in the West, did not bind the Greek churches that never received it, so the exemption of the clerks not being received did not bind in England. The judges gave their opinion next, which was--that those who prosecuted Standish were all in a praemunire. So the court broke up. But in another hearing, in the presence of the greatest part of both houses of parliament, the cardinal said in the name of the clergy--that though they intended to do nothing against the king's prerogative, yet the trying of clerks seemed to be contrary to the liberty of the church, which they were bound by their oaths to maintain. So they prayed that the matter might be referred to the pope.

The king said, that he thought Standish had answered them fully: the bishop of Winchester replied he would not stand to his opinion at his peril. Standish upon that asked, "What can one poor friar do against all the clergy of England?" The archbishop of Canterbury answered, "Some of the fathers of the church have suffered martyrdom upon that account;" but the chief-justice replied, "Many holy kings have maintained that law, and many holy bishops have obeyed it." In conclusion, the king declared, that he would maintain his rights, and would not submit them to the decrees of the church, otherwise than as his ancestors had done. Horsey was appointed to be brought to his trial for Hunne's murder, and upon his pleading not guilty, no evidence was to be brought, and so he was to be discharged. The discontent of the people greatly increased at this, and very much disposed them to all that was done afterwards, for pulling down the ecclesiastical tyranny in this country, and dissolving the establishment by which it was chiefly sustained.

This was the first disturbance in this king's reign, till the suit for his divorce commenced. In all other points he was constantly in the pope's interests, who sent him the common compliments of roses, and such other trifles, by which that see had treated princes so long as children. But no compliment wrought so much on the king's vanity, as the title of "Defender of the Faith," sent him by pope Leo upon the book which he wrote against Luther concerning the sacraments.

It will now be proper to consider the rapid progress of the doctrines of the reformation among the people. From the days of Wickliffe there were many that differed from the national faith. He wrote many books that gave great offence to the clergy, yet being powerfully supported by the duke of Lancaster, they could not have their revenge during his life; but as we have seen, he was after his death condemned, and his body was raised and burnt. The Bible which he translated into English, with the preface which he set before it, produced the greatest effects. In these he reflected on the ill lives of the clergy, and condemned the worship of saints and images, and the corporeal presence of Christ in the sacrament; but the most criminal part in the eyes of the papists was, exhorting all people to read the Scriptures.

Perhaps there cannot be a stronger proof of the depravity of the Roman catholic religion, or its perversion of truth, than denying to the laity the use of the sacred volume.--"To the law and to the testimony," saith the prophet; "if they speak not according to this, it is because there is no light in them." "Search the Scriptures," saith the Lord. "These were more noble than those of Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily, to see whether these things were so," remarks the writer of the Acts of the Apostles.

The following article respecting Wickliffe and his followers, appeared in the 16th volume of the Monthly Magazine, and may be appropriately introduced in this place.

Wickliffe, the celebrated priest and reformer in the end of Edward III.'s reign, was not educated at Cambridge, but at Oxford; in which university, being a man of distinguished learning, he possessed considerable authority and influence: but his doctrines soon made their way among all ranks of people; and Cambridge, as may be supposed, was not behindhand in giving them a hearing; many of its members were foremost among Wickliffe's advocates, but as the Lollards, his followers, did not form themselves into societies or churches, they were obliged to maintain their opinions privately, and in the hearing only of their particular confidants; for besides the decree passed in the fourth council of Lateran, that all heretics should be delivered over to the civil magistrate to be burned, there were particular laws made in Richard II. and Henry IV.'s reign, which put them from under the king's protection, and left them at the mercy of the spiritual courts. We are not therefore to expect, under these circumstances, that Wickliffe's doctrines should be much agitated publicly at Cambridge. This, however, we collect, that about the year 1401, archbishop Arundel, with his commissioners, visited Cambridge; the archbishop personally, the collective body of the university in congregation, his commissioners every private college. One article of their inquiries was, whether there were any members suspected of Lollardism, or any other heretical pravity? and ten years after, Peter Hartford was, according to Dr. Fuller in his history of Cambridge, ordered to abjure Wickliffe's opinions in full congregation; and about twenty years after this, several Lollards of Chesterton were obliged to abjure. One of the opinions of the latter heretics will appear very singular, which was that priests were incarnate devils. They had, no doubt, poor creatures, been too painfully scorched with church discipline, and were too likely to become fuel for some future flame of their kindling.

The testimonies of this great man against those corruptions were such, that there was no way to deal with them but if possible to silence him. His followers were not men of letters, but being wrought on by the easy conviction of plain common sense, were quite determined in their persuasions. They did not form themselves into a body, but were contented to hold their opinions secretly, and did not spread them, but to their particular confidants. The clergy sought them out every where, and delivered them after conviction to the secular arm, that is, to the flames of martyrdom, the odium of which, by this fiction, they sought to avoid.

The canons of the council of the Lateran being received in England, the proceedings against heretics grew to be a part of the common law, and a writ for burning them was issued upon their conviction without reserve.

In the beginning of this reign, there were several persons brought into the bishop's courts for heresy, before Warham. Forty-eight were accused: but of these, forty-three abjured, twenty-seven men, and sixteen women, most of them inhabitants of Tenterden. Five of them, four men and one woman, were condemned; some as obstinate heretics, and others as relapses: and against the common ties of nature, the woman's husband, and her two sons, were suborned witnesses against her. Upon their conviction, a certificate was made by the archbishop to the chancery: upon which, since there is no pardon upon record, the writs for burning them must have gone out in course, and the execution of them is little to be doubted. The articles objected to them were, that they believed that in the eucharist there was nothing but material bread; that the sacraments of baptism, confirmation, confession, matrimony, and extreme unction, were neither necessary nor profitable; that priests had no more power than laymen; that pilgrimages were not meritorious; that the money and labour they required were spent in vain; that images ought not to be worshipped; that they were only stocks and stones; that prayers ought not to be made to saints, but only to God; that there was no virtue in holy water or holy bread. By this it will appear, that many in this nation were prepared to receive those doctrines, which were afterwards preached by the reformers, even before Luther commenced his more determined and successful career.

The rise and progress of the reformation under him are well known: the scandalous extolling of indulgences gave the first occasion to all that followed between him and the church of Rome; in which, had not the corruptions and cruelties of the clergy been so visible and scandalous, so small a matter could never have produced such a revolution. Even he himself did not expect so great a matter to be immediately kindled by this little fire.

The bishops were grossly ignorant; they seldom resided in their dioceses, except it was to riot at high festivals; and all the effect their residence could have was to corrupt others by their ill example. They followed the courts of princes, and aspired to the greatest offices. The abbots and monks were almost wholly given up to luxury and idleness; and their unmarried state gave infinite scandal to the world; for it appeared that restraining them from having wives of their own, made them conclude that they had a right to all other men's. The inferior clergy were no better; and not having places of retreat to conceal their vices, as the monks had, they became more public and shameless. In short, all ranks of churchmen were so generally despised and hated, that the world was very apt to be possessed with prejudice against their doctrines, for the sake of the men; and the worship of God was so defiled with gross superstition, that the people were easily convinced the church stood in great need of reformation. This was much increased when the books of the fathers began to be read, in which the difference between the former and latter ages of the church very evidently appeared. They found that a blind superstition came first in the room of true piety; and when by its means the wealth and interest of the clergy were highly advanced, the popes had upon that established their tyranny; under which, not only meaner people, but even crowned heads had long groaned. All these things concurred to make way for the advancement of the reformation: while the books of the Germans being brought into England and translated, many were prevailed on by them. Upon this, a hot persecution was vigorously set on foot, to such a degree that six men and women were burnt at Coventry in passion-week, only for teaching their children the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the ten commandments in English. Great numbers were every where brought into the bishops' courts; of whom some were burnt, while the greater part fearfully abjured.

The king laid hold of this occasion to become the champion of the church, and wrote against Luther in the manner already described. His book, besides the title of "Defender of the Faith," drew upon him all that flattery could invent to extol it; whilst Luther, not daunted with such an antagonist, answered it, and treated Henry as much below the respect due to a king, as his flatterers had raised him above it. Tindal's translation of the New Testament, with some notes added to it, drew a severe condemnation from the clergy; there being nothing in which they were more concerned than to keep the people unacquainted with that book. Thus much may serve to shew the condition of affairs in England both in church and state, when the process of the king's divorce was first set on foot. This incident, so replete with consequences the most important to the reformation, shall now be laid before the reader with somewhat of particular detail.

Henry VII. had entered into a firm alliance with Ferdinand of Spain, and agreed to a match between his eldest son prince Arthur, and Katharine the Infanta of Spain. She came into England and was married in November; but on the second of the following April the prince died, leaving the throne as well as the lady open to his brother. Arthur and Katharine had lodged and even slept together, to carry on the farce of marriage; but such was their youth, and the feebleness of the young prince, that beyond this farce no effect detrimental to Henry's hopes, or of service to the nation, could be expected. The king, being unwilling to restore so great a portion as two hundred thousand ducats, which the princess brought as her dowery, proposed a second match for her with his younger son Henry. Warham objected to it as unlawful; but Fox, bishop of Winchester, was for it, and the opinion of the pope's authority was then so well established, that it was thought a dispensation from Rome was sufficient to remove all objections. Accordingly one was obtained, grounded upon a desire of the two young persons to marry together for preserving peace between the crowns of England and Spain.

The pope was then at war with Lewis XII. of France, and would refuse nothing to the king of England, being perhaps not unwilling that princes should contract such marriages, since the lawfulness of their issue depending on the pope's dispensation, they would be thereby obliged in interest to support that authority. Upon this a marriage followed, the prince being yet under age; but the same day in which he came to be of age, he did, by his father's orders, make a protestation that he retracted and annulled the contract. His father, at his death, charged his son to break it off entirely, being perhaps apprehensive of such a return of confusion upon a controverted succession to the crown, as had occurred during the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster; but the son being then eighteen years of age, married her and she bore him two children who died soon after they were born; and another, Mary, afterwards queen of England. After this Katharine contracted some diseases that made her unacceptable to the king; who, at the same time beginning or pretending to have some scruples of conscience with regard to the lawfulness of his marriage, determined to have the affair investigated.

He seemed to lay the greatest weight on the prohibition in the Levitical law of marrying the brother's wife, and being conversant in the writings of Thomas Aquinas, he found that he and the other schoolmen looked on those laws as moral, and for ever binding; and consequently the pope's dispensation was of no force, since his authority went not so far as to dispense with the laws of God. All the bishops of England, Fisher of Rochester only excepted, declared under their hands and seals that they judged the marriage unlawful. The ill consequences of wars that might follow upon a doubtful title to the crown, were also much considered. It is not certain that the king's affections for any other gave rise to all this. It is possible that, conceiving himself on the point of being freed of his former marriage, he gave a free scope to his affections, which settled on Anne Boleyn.

This lady was born in the year 1507, and at seven years of age was sent to France, where she remained twelve years, and then returned to England. She was much admired in both courts, was more beautiful than graceful, and more cheerful than discreet. She wanted none of the charms of wit or person, and must have had extraordinary attractions, since she could so long manage such a king's affection; for it is evident that in the long course of seven years' courtship she kept him at a due distance.

Knight, then secretary of state, was sent to Rome to prepare the pope to grant a dispensation from the former marriage. He made application to the pope in the most secret manner he could, and had a very favourable answer: for the pope promised frankly to dissolve the marriage; but another promise being exacted of him in the emperor's name, not to proceed in that affair, he was reduced to great straits, being then at the emperor's mercy, while he had no mind to lose the king of England; he therefore studied to gain time, and promised that if the latter would have a little patience, he should not only have that which he asked, but every thing that was in his power to grant. The chief cardinal, indeed, made some scruples concerning the bull that was demanded, till he had raised his price, and got a great present; then the pope signed both a commission for Wolsey to try the cause, and judge in it, and also a dispensation, and put them into Knight's hands; but with tears prayed him that there might be no proceedings upon them, till the emperor was incapable of executing his revenge upon him; and whenever that was done he would own this act of justice which he did in the king's favour.

The pope was at this time displeased with Cardinal Wolsey; for he understood that during his captivity, he had been in an intrigue to get himself chosen vicar of the papacy, and was to have sat at Avignon, which might have produced a new schism. Staphileus, dean of the Rota, being then in England, was wrought on by the promise of a bishopric, and a recommendation to a cardinal's hat, to promote the king's affair. By him the cardinal wrote to the pope, in a most earnest strain, for a dispatch of this business; and he desired, that an indifferent and tractable cardinal might be sent over, with a full commission to join with him, and to judge the matter; proposing to the king's ambassadors Campegio as the fittest man. Wolsey, in several letters to Cassali, who was in great favour with the pontiff, offered to take the blame on his own soul, if the pope would grant this bull; and with an earnestness, as hearty and warm and can be expressed in words, he pressed the thing, and added, that if the pope continued inexorable, he perceived the king would proceed another way.

These entreaties had such effect that Campegio was declared legate, and ordered to go to England, and join in commission with Wolsey for judging this matter. He accordingly set out from Rome, and carried with him a decretal bull for annulling the marriage, which he was authorized to shew to the king and Wolsey; but was required not to give it out of his hands to either of them. In fact the divorce was trusted to his authority. In October he arrived in England, and after the usual compliments were over, he first advised the king to give up the prosecution of his suit; and then counselled the queen, in the pope's name to enter into a religious life, and make vows: but both were in vain; and he, by affecting an impartiality, almost lost his ground on either side. But he in great measure pacified the king when he shewed him the bull he had brought over for annulling the marriage; yet he would not part with it either to the king or the cardinal; upon which, great instances were made at Rome, that Campegio might be ordered to shew it to some of the king's counsellors, and to go on and end the business, otherwise Wolsey would be ruined, and England lost. All this however did not prevail on the pope, who knew it was intended to get the bull out of the Campegio's hands, and then the king would leave him to the emperor's indignation: but though he positively refused to grant that, yet he said he left the legates in England free to judge as they saw cause, and promised that he would confirm their sentence.

The affair proceeding very slowly, ambassadors were dispatched to Rome with new propositions for a speedy termination. On this, the pope gave new assurances, that though he would not grant a bull, by which the divorce should be immediately his own act, yet he would confirm the legate's sentence. Just after he granted this boon, the pope was taken suddenly ill, upon which the Imperialists began to prepare for a conclave; but Farnese, and the cardinal of Mantua, opposed them, and seemed to favour Wolsey; whom, as his correspondents wrote to him, they reverenced as a Deity. Upon this he dispatched a courier to Gardener, then on his way to Rome, with large directions how to manage the election. It was reckoned, that the king of France, joining heartily with the king of England, the matter might be set at rest. There were only six cardinals wanting to make the election sure; and besides sums of money, and other rewards, which were to be distributed among them, he was to give them assurance that the cardinals' preferments should be equally divided. These were the secret methods of attaining the chair: and indeed it would puzzle a man of an ordinary degree of credulity, to think that one chosen by such means could presume to be Christ's vicar, and the infallible judge of controversies. The recovery, however, of the pope put an end to these intrigues.

At length the legates began the process, when the queen protested against them as incompetent judges. They, however, proceeded according to the forms of law, although the queen had appealed from them to the pope, and objected both to the place, to the judges, and her lawyers; when they pronounced her contumacious, and went on to examine witnesses, chiefly to the particulars of the consummation of her marriage with prince Arthur. But now since the process was thus going on, the emperor's agents pressed the pope vehemently for an avocation; and all possible endeavours were used by the king's agents to hinder it. They spared nothing that would work on the pope, either in the way of persuasion or threatening: it was told him there was a treaty set on foot between the king and the Lutheran princes of Germany; and that upon declaring himself so partial as to grant the avocation, he would certainly embark in the same interests with them. The pope however thought the king so far engaged in honour on points of religion, that he would not be prevailed upon to unite with Luther's followers; he did not imagine that the effects of his granting the avocation would be so fatal as the cardinal's agents represented them. In conclusion, therefore, after the emperor had engaged to restore his family to the government of Florence, he resolved to publish his treaty with him, and told the English ambassadors that he was forced to it; both because all the lawyers said it could not be denied, and that he could not resist the emperor's forces, which surrounded him on all hands. Their endeavours to gain a little time by delay were as fruitless as other artifices, for on the 15th of July, the pope signed the avocation, and on the 19th sent it by an express messenger to England.

The legates, Campegio in particular, drew out the matter with all the delay they could contrive, and gained much time. At last, it being brought to the point that sentence was to be pronounced, Campegio, instead of doing it, adjourned the court till October, and said, that as they were members of the consistory they must observe their times of vacation. This gave the king and his court great offence, when they saw what was like to be the issue of a process on which his majesty was so much bent, and in which he was so far engaged both in honour and interest. The king governed himself upon the occasion with more temper than was expected: he dismissed Campegio civilly, only his officers searched his coffers when he went beyond sea, with evident design to see if the decretal bull could be found. Wolsey was now upon the point of being disgraced, though the king seemed to treat him with all his former confidence.

At this period, Dr. Cranmer, a fellow of Jesus College in Cambridge, meeting accidentally with Gardener and Fox at Waltham, and entering into discourse upon the royal marriage, suggested that the king should engage the chief universities and divines of Europe, to examine the lawfulness of his marriage; and if they gave their resolutions against it, then it being certain that the pope's dispensation could not derogate from the law of God, the marriage must be declared null. This novel and reasonable scheme they proposed to the king, who was much pleased with it, and said, "He had the sow by the right ear." He saw this way was both better in itself and would mortify the pope. Cranmer was accordingly sent for, and on conversing with him, the king conceived a high opinion both of his learning and prudence, as well as of his probity and sincerity, which took such root in the king's mind, that no artifices nor calumnies were ever able to remove it. From this moment and these circumstances began the rise of Cranmer and the decline of Wolsey. The great seal was taken from the latter and given to Sir Thomas More; and he was sued in a praemunire, for having held the legatine courts by a foreign authority, to the laws of England. Wolsey confessed the indictment, pleaded ignorance, and submitted himself to the king's mercy: so judgment passed on him; when his rich palace and furniture were seized for the royal use. Yet the king received him again into his protection, and restored to him the temporalities of the sees of York and Winchester, and above 6000l. in plate and other goods; at which he was so transported, that it is said he fell down on his knees in a kennel before the messenger who brought him the news. Articles were put in against him in the house of lords for a bill of attainder, where he had but few friends: in the house of commons, Cromwell, who had been his secretary, so managed the matter, that it came to nothing. This failing, his enemies procured an order to be sent to him to go into Yorkshire: thither he went in great state, with one hundred and sixty horses in his train, and seventy-two carts following him, and there he lived some time. But the king being informed, that he was practising with the pope and the emperor, he sent the earl of Northumberland to arrest him of high treason, and bring him up to London. On the way he sickened and died at Leicester, making great protestations of his constant fidelity to the king, particularly in the matter of his divorce; and wishing he had served God as faithfully as he had done the king; for then he would not have cast him off in his grey hairs, as the king had done: words that declining favourites are apt to reflect on in adversity; but they seldom remember them in the height of their fortune.

The king intending to proceed in the method proposed by Cranmer, sent to Oxford and Cambridge to procure their conclusions. At Oxford it was referred by the major part of the convocation to thirty-three doctors and bachelors of divinity, whom that faculty was to name: they were empowered to determine the question, and put the seal of the university to their conclusion. They gave their opinions, that the marriage of the brother's wife was contrary both to the laws of God and nature. At Cambridge the convocation referred the question to twenty-nine; of which number, two-thirds agreeing, they were empowered to put the seal of the university to their determination. These agreed in opinion with those of Oxford. The jealousy of Cranmer's favouring Lutheranism caused the fierce popish party to oppose every thing in which he was engaged. They were also afraid of Anne Boleyn's advancement, who was believed to be tinctured with the reformed opinions. Crook, a learned man in the Greek tongue, was employed in Italy, to procure the resolution of divines there; in which he was so successful, that besides the great discoveries he made in searching the manuscripts of the Greek fathers concerning their opinions in this point, he engaged several persons to write for the king's cause. He also got the Jews to give their opinions of the laws in Leviticus, that they were moral and obligatory--that when a brother died without issue, his brother might marry his widow within Judea, for preserving their families and succession; although that might not be done out of Judea. The state of Venice would not declare themselves, but said they would be neutral; and it was not easy to persuade the divines of the republic to give their opinions, till a brief was obtained of the pope, permitting all divines and canonists to deliver judgment according to their consciences. The pope abhorred this way of proceeding, though he could not decently oppose it; but he said in great scorn, that no friar should set limits to his power. Crook was ordered to give no money, nor make promises to any, till they had freely delivered their opinion; which he faithfully observed. This man sent over to England a hundred various books, and papers, with many subscriptions; all condemning the king's marriage as unlawful in itself. At Paris, the Sorbonne made their determination with great solemnity; after mass of the Holy Ghost, all the doctors took an oath to study the question, and to give their judgment according to their consciences; and after three weeks study, the greater part agreed on this strange and contradictory decree--"that the king's marriage was unlawful, and the pope could not dispense with it." At Orleans, Angiers, and Toulouse, they determined to the same purpose.

Calvin thought the marriage null, and they all agreed that the pope's dispensation was of no force. Osiander was employed to engage the Lutheran divines, but they were afraid of giving the emperor new grounds of displeasure. Melancthon thought the law in Leviticus was dispensable, and that the marriage might be lawful; and that in such matters, states and princes might make what laws they pleased. Though the divines of Leipsic, after much disputing about it, did agree that those laws were moral, yet they could never be brought to justify the divorce, with the subsequent marriage that followed upon it. And the king appeared very inclinable to receive their doctrine, so steadily did they follow their consciences even against their interests: but the pope was more compliant, for he offered to Cassali to grant his amorous petitioner dispensation for having another wife, with which the Imperialists seemed on the whole to be willing to comply.

The king's cause being thus fortified by so many resolutions in his favour, he made certain members of parliament sign a letter to the pope, complaining, that notwithstanding the great merits of their sovereign, the justice of his cause, and the importance of it to the safety of the kingdom, yet the pope made still new delays; they therefore pressed him to dispatch it speedily, otherwise they would be forced to seek other remedies, though they were not willing to drive things to extremities, till it was unavoidable. The letter was signed by the cardinal, the archbishop of Canterbury, four bishops, twenty-two abbots, forty-two peers, and eleven commoners. To this the pope wrote an answer, taking notice of the vehemence of their style, and freeing himself from the imputations of ingratitude and injustice. He acknowledged the king's great merits; and said, he had done all he could in his favour: he had granted a commission, but could not refuse to receive the queen's appeal; all the cardinals with one consent judging that an avocation was necessary. Since that time, the delays were not with him, but with the king; that he was ready to proceed, and would bring it to as speedy an issue as the importance of it would admit of; and as for their threatenings, they were neither proofs of their wisdom, nor of their religion.

The king, now disgusted at his dependence on the pope, issued a proclamation against any that should purchase, bring over, or publish any bull from Rome, contrary to his authority: and after that he made an abstract of all the reasons and authorities of fathers, or modern writers, against his marriage, to be published both in Latin and English. Both sides having produced the strength of their cause, it evidently appeared that, according to the authority given to tradition in the church of Rome, the king had clearly the right on his side. At the same time he was not exempt from opposition, even in England. The friends of Katharine were more numerous than he had all along imagined, and the queen herself, amidst these disputes, continued firm to her resolution leaving the matter in the pope's hands, and would hearken to no propositions that were made to her, for referring it to the arbitration of a number chosen on both sides.

The sovereigns of England claimed the same latitude of power in ecclesiastical matters, as the Roman emperors had exercised before the decline of their authority. Anciently they had divided bishoprics, granted investitures, and made laws relating both to ecclesiastical causes and persons. When the popes began to extend their power beyond the limits assigned them by the canons, great opposition arose to them in England; but they managed the advantages they found, either from the weakness or ill circumstances of princes, so steadily, that at length they subdued the world: and if they had not by their cruel exactions so oppressed the clergy, that they were driven to seek shelter under covert of the temporal authority, men generally were so absorbed by superstition and credulity, that not only the whole spiritual power, but even the temporal authority of the princes, was likely to have fallen under papal tyranny. But the discontented clergy now supported the secular power as much as they had before advanced that of the papal. Boniface VIII. had raised his pretensions to that impudent pitch, that he declared all power, both ecclesiastical and civil, was derived from him; and this he established as an article of faith, necessary to salvation; on which he, and his successors, took upon them, to dispose of all ecclesiastical benefices by their absolute bulls and provisions. To restrain these invasions of the rights of princes, laws were made in England against their authority; but no punishment being declared for transgressors, the courtiers at Rome were not frightened at their publication; so that the abuses still continued: but in the time of Edward III. a more severe act was made, by which all that transgressed were to be imprisoned, to be fined at pleasure, and to forfeit all their benefices.

These long forgotten statutes were now revived, to bring the clergy into a snare: it was designed by the terror of this proceeding to force them to an entire submission, and to oblige them to redeem themselves by the grant of a considerable subsidy. They pleaded ignorance; it was a public error, and they ought not therefore to be punished for it. To this it was answered, that the laws which they had transgressed were still in force and so no ignorance could excuse the violation of them. The convocation of Canterbury made their submission, and in their address to the king he was called the protector and supreme head of the church of England; but some objecting, it was added--"in so far as it is agreeable to the law of Christ." This was signed by nine bishops, fifty abbots and priors, and the greater part of the lower house; and with it they offered the king a subsidy of 100,000l. to procure his favour, and promised for the future not to make nor execute any constitutions without his licence. The convocation of York did not pass this so easily; they objected the word head, as agreeing to none but Christ: whereupon the king wrote them a long expostulatory letter, and told them with what limitations those of Canterbury had passed that title; upon which they all submitted, and offered 18,840l. which was accepted: thus the clergy were again received into the king's protection, and received his precarious pardon for their heavy offences.

After the prorogation of this session of parliament, new applications were made to the queen to persuade her to depart from her appeal; but she remained fixed in her resolution, and said she was the king's lawful wife, and would abide by it till the court at Rome should declare the contrary. Upon that the king desired her to choose any of his houses in the country to live in, and resolved never to see her more. She chose the palace of Ampthill, in Bedfordshire, for her residence, and the monastery of Kimbolton, at no great distance, for her religious resorts. In these she passed the remainder of her life, beloved by all around her, and respected by none more than by the king himself, whose passions rather than judgment and conscience constrained him to prefer the youth and beauty of another.

In January 1532, the pope, on the motion of the Imperialists, wrote to the king, complaining that notwithstanding a suit was depending concerning his marriage, yet he had put away his queen and kept one Anne as his wife, contrary to a prohibition served on him; he therefore exhorted him to live with his queen again, and to put away Anne. Upon this the king sent Dr. Bennet to Rome with a dispatch in which he complained that the pope proceeded in that matter upon the suggestion of others, who were ignorant and rash men: that he had carried himself inconstantly and deceitfully in it, and not as became Christ's vicar: that he had granted a commission, had promised never to recall it, and had sent over a decretal bull defining the cause. Either these were unjustly granted, or unjustly recalled. It was plain that he acted more with regard to his interests, than according to conscience; and that, as the pope had often confessed his own ignorance in these matters, so he was not furnished with learned men to advise him, otherwise he would not defend a marriage which almost all the learned men and universities in England, France, and Italy, had condemned as unlawful. He would not question his authority without he was compelled to it, and would do nothing but reduce it to its first and ancient limits, which was much better than to let it run on headlong, and still do amiss. This high letter made the pope resolve to proceed and end the matter, either by a sentence or a treaty. The king was cited to answer to the queen's appeal at Rome in person, or by proxy: accordingly, Sir Edward Karne was sent thither in the new character of the king's apologist, to excuse the king's appearance, upon such grounds as could be founded on the canon law, and upon the privileges of the crown of England. The Imperialists pressed the pope much to give sentence, but all the wise cardinals, who observed by the proceedings of the parliament that the nation would adhere to the king, if he should be provoked to shake off the pope's yoke, suggested milder counsels.

In conclusion, the pope seemed to favour the king's plea, upon which the Imperialists made great complaints. But this amounted to no more than that the king was not bound to appear in person: therefore the cardinals, who were in his interest, advised the king to send over a proxy for answering the merits of the cause; and both the pope and the college wrote to him to finish the matter next winter. Bonner, at that time in Rome, was also sent to England to assure the king, that the pope was now so much in the French interest, that he might confidently refer this matter to him. On this the king sent for the speaker of the house of commons, and told him he found the prelates were but half subjects; for they swore at their consecration an oath to the pope, inconsistent with their allegiance and oath to him. By their oath to the pope, they swore to be in no council against him, nor to disclose his secrets; but to maintain the papacy, and the regalities of St. Peter against all men, together with the rights and authorities of the church of Rome; and that they should honourably entreat the legates of the apostolic see, and observe all the decrees, sentences, provisions, and commandments of that see; and yearly, either in person, or by proxy, visit the thresholds of the apostles. In their oath to the king, they renounced all clauses in their bulls contrary to his royal dignity, and swore to be faithful to him, and to live and die with him against all others, and to keep his counsel; acknowledging that they held their bishoprics only of him. By these it appeared they could not keep both their oaths, in case a breach should fall out between the king and the pope; a discovery which would have been of serious consequence, had not the plague broke off the consultations of parliament at this time. Soon after, Sir Thomas More, seeing a rupture with Rome coming on so fast, desired leave to lay down his office, which was upon that conferred on Sir Thomas Audley. More had been satisfied with the king's keeping up the laws formerly made in opposition to the papal encroachments, and had concurred in the suit of the praemunire; but now the matter went farther, and not being able to keep pace with the new order of things, he returned to a private life.

An interview soon followed between the kings of France and England; to which Anne Boleyn, now marchioness of Pembroke, was carried. After the first ceremonies and magnificence were over, Francis promised Henry to second him in his suit: he encouraged him to proceed to a second marriage without delay; and assured him he would stand by him in it: meantime, the pope offered to the king, to send a legate to any indifferent place, out of England, to form the process, reserving only the sentence himself to pronounce; and proposed to him and all princes a general truce, that so he might call a general council. The king answered, that such was the present state of the affairs of Europe, it was not seasonable to call a general council; and that it was contrary to his prerogative to send a proxy to appear at Rome: that by the decrees of general councils, all causes ought to be judged on the spot and by a provincial council; and that it was fitter to judge it in England than any where else: that by his coronation oath, he was bound to maintain the dignities of his crown, and the rights of his subjects, and not to appear before any foreign court. Sir Thomas Elliot was therefore sent over with instructions, to move that the cause might be judged in England. Soon after this, the king married Anne Beleyn; Rowland Lee, afterwards bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, officiated, none being present but the duke of Norfolk, and her father, her mother, her brother, and Cranmer. It was thought that the former marriage being null, the king might proceed to another: and perhaps they hoped, that as the pope had formely proposed this method, so he would now approve of it. But though the pope had joined himself to France, yet he was still so much in fear of the emperor that he resolved to continue resisting Henry's marriage, rather than provoke the imperial wrath. A new citation was therefore issued out, for the king to answer to the queen's complaints; but Henry's agents protested that their master was a sovereign prince, and England a free church, over which the pope had no just authority; and that the king could expect no justice at Rome, where the emperor's power and the pope's authority were paramount to all others.

At this time parliament met again, and passed an act condemning all appeals to Rome. In it they set forth--That the crown was imperial, and that the nation was a complete body, having full power to do justice in all cases, both spiritual and temporal; and that as former kings had maintained the liberties of the kingdom against the usurpations of the see of Rome, so they found the great inconvenience of allowing appeals in matrimonial causes; that they put them to great charges, and occasioned many delays: therefore they enacted, that thereafter those should be judged within the kingdom, and no regard be had to any appeals to Rome, or censures from it; but sentences given in England were to have their full effect; and all who executed any censures from Rome were to incur the pain of praemunire.

The archbishopric of Canterbury was now vacant by the decease of Warham, who died the previous year: he was a great patron of learning, a good canonist, and a wise statesman; but he was a cruel persecutor of heretics, and inclined to believe fanatical legends. Cranmer was in Germany, disputing in the king's cause with some of the emperor's divines, when the king resolved to advance him to that dignity; and sent him word of it, that he might make haste to return. But a promotion so far above his thoughts, had not its common effects on him: he had a true and primitive sense of so great a charge; and instead of aspiring to it, he was afraid of it, and he both returned very slowly to England, and used all his endeavors to be excused from the advancement. Bulls were sent for to Rome in order to his consecration, which the pope granted. On the 13th of March, Cranmer was consecrated by the bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and St. Asaph. The oath to the pope was of hard digestion to one "almost persuaded" to be a protestant: he therefore made a protestation before he took it, that he conceived himself not bound by it in any thing that was contrary to his duty to God, to his king, or country; and this he repeated when he took it.

The convocation had then two questions before them; the first was concerning the lawfulness of the king's marriage, and the validity of the pope's dispensation; the other was a curious question of fact, whether prince Arthur had consummated the marriage. For the first, the judgments of nineteen universities were read; and after a long debate, there being twenty-three only in the lower house, fourteen were against the marriage, seven for it, and two voted dubiously. In the upper house, Stokesly bishop of London, and Fisher bishop of Rochester, maintained the debate at great length, the one for the affirmative, and the other the negative. At last it was carried nemine contradicente, the few that were of the other side it seems withdrawing, against the marriage, two hundred and sixteen being present. For the other, which concerned matter of fact, it was referred to the canonists; and they all, except five or six, reported that the presumptions were very strong; and these in a matter not capable of plain proof were always received as legally conclusive.

The convocation having thus judged in the matter, the ceremony of pronouncing the divorce judicially was now the only thing wanting. The new queen was reported to be in a promising condition for the future monarchy. On Easter-eve she was declared queen of England: and soon after, Cranmer, with Gardiner, who had succeeded Wolsey as bishop of Winchester, and the bishops of London, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, with many divines and canonists, went to Dunstable; queen Katharine living then near it, at Ampthill. The king and queen were cited; he appeared by proxy, but the queen refused to take any notice of the court: so after three citations, she was declared contumacious, and all the merits of the cause formerly mentioned were examined. At last, on the 23rd of May, sentence was given, declaring the marriage to have been null from the beginning. Among the archbishop's titles in the commencement of the judgment, he is called "Legate of the apostolic see," which perhaps was added to give it the more force in law. Some days after this, he gave another judgment, confirming the king's marriage with queen Anne, and on the first of June she was crowned queen. All people admired queen Anne's conduct, who in a course of so many years managed the spirit of so violent a king in such a manner, as neither to surfeit him with too many favours, nor to provoke him with too much rigour. They that loved the reformation looked for better days under her protection: but many priests and friars, both in sermons and discourses, condemned the king's proceedings. The king sent ambassadors to all courts to justify what he had done: he sent also two to queen Katharine, to charge her to assume no other title but that of princess dowager; but she would not yield; she said she would not take that infamy on herself; and so resolved that none should serve about her who did not treat her as queen.

At Rome the cardinals of the Imperial faction complained much of the attempt made on the pope's power, and urged him to proceed to censures. But there was only sentence given, annulling all that the archbishop of Canterbury had done; and the king was required, under pain of excommunication, to place things again in the state in which they formerly were: this decree was framed at Rome; and brought for publication to Dunkirk. The king sent a great embassy to the French monarch, who was then setting out to Marseilles to meet the pope: their errand was to dissuade him from the journey, unless the pope would promise to give the king satisfaction. Francis said, he was engaged in honour to go on; but assured them, he would mind the king's concerns with as much zeal as if they were his own. In September the queen brought forth a daughter, the renowned Elizabeth; and the king having before declared lady Mary princess of Wales, did now the same for the infant: though since a son might exclude her from it, she could not be heir apparent, but only heir presumptive to the crown. The eventful moment was nigh at hand, when the incident should take place that would cause the separation of England from the church of Rome.

There was a secret agreement between the pope and Francis, that if Henry would refer his cause to the consistory, excepting only to the cardinals of the Imperial faction, as partial, and would in all other things return to his obedience to the see of Rome, the sentence should be given in his favour. When Francis returned to Paris, he sent over the bishop of that city to the king, to tell what he had obtained of the pope in his favour, and the terms on which it was promised. This wrought so much on the king, that he presently consented to them; upon which the bishop of Paris, though it was now in the middle of winter, went to Rome with the welcome tidings. On his arrival there, the matter seemed agreed: for it was promised that upon the king's sending a consent under his hand to place things in their former state, and his ordering a proxy to appear for him, judges should be sent to Cambray for making the process, and then sentence should be given. Upon the notice given of this, and of a day that was prefixed for the return of the courier, the king dispatched him with all possible haste; and now the business seemed at an end. But the courier had a sea and the Alps to pass, and in winter it was not easy to observe a limited day so exactly. The appointed day came, and no courier arrived; upon which, the Imperialists gave out, that the king was abusing the pope's easiness; and pressed him vehemently to proceed to a sentence: the bishop of Paris requesting only a delay of six days. The design of the Imperialists was to hinder a reconciliation: for if the king had been set right with the pope, there would have been so powerful a league formed against the emperor as would have frustrated all his measures; and therefore it was necessary for his politics to embroil them. Seduced by the artifice of this intriguing prince, the pope, without consulting his ordinary prudence, brought in the matter to the consistory; and there the Imperialists being the greater number, it was driven on with so much precipitation, that they did in one day that which, according to form, should have extended at least to three.

They gave the final sentence, declared the king's marriage with queen Katharine good, and required him to live with her as his wife, otherwise they would proceed to censures. Two days after this, the courier came with the king's submission in due form; he also brought earnest letters from Francis in the king's favour. This wrought on all the indifferent cardinals, as well as those of the French faction, so that they prayed the pope to recall what was done. A new consistory was called, but the Imperialists urged with greater vehemence than ever, that they would not give such scandal to the world as to recall a definitive sentence of the validity of a marriage, and give heretics such advantage by their unsteadiness in matters of that nature; it was therefore carried that the former sentence should remain, and the execution of it be committed to the emperor. When this was known in England, it determined the king in his resolutions of shaking off the pope's yoke, in which he had made so great a progress, that the parliament had passed all the acts concerning it before he received the news from Rome; for he judged that the best way to secure his cause was to let Rome see his power, and with what vigour he could make war. All the rest of the world looked on astonished to see the court of Rome throw off England, as if it had been weary of the obedience and profits of so great a kingdom.

In England people of nearly all ranks had been examining the foundations on which the papal authority was built with extraordinary care for some years; and several books were written on that subject. It was demonstrated, that all the apostles were made equal in the powers that Christ gave them; that he often condemned their contests about superiority, but never declared in St. Peter's favour. St. Paul withstood him to his face, and reckoned himself not inferior to him. If the dignity of a person left any authority with the city in which he sat, then Antioch must carry it rather than Rome; and Jerusalem, where Christ suffered, was to be preferred to all the world, for it was truly the mother-church. Christ said to Peter, "Upon this rock will I build my church." The agents understood by the rock either the confession Peter had made, or, which is the same, Christ himself; and though it were to be meant of St. Peter, all the rest of the apostles are also called foundations; and the injunction, "Tell the church," was by many doctors of Rome turned against the pope for a general council. The other privileges ascribed to St. Peter, were either only a precedence of order, or were occasioned by his fall; as that, "Feed my sheep," being a restoration of him to the apostolic functions. St. Peter had also a limited province, the circumcision, as St. Paul had the uncircumcision, which was of far greater extent, and which shewed that Peter was not considered as the universal pastor.

Several sees, as Ravenna, Milan, and Aquilea, pretended exemption from the papal authority. Many English bishops had asserted that the popes had no authority against the canons, and to that day no canon made by the pope was binding till it was received, which shewed the pope's authority was not believed to be founded on divine authority; and the contests that the kings of England had with the popes concerning investitures, bishops doing the king homage, appeals to Rome, and the authority of papal bulls and provisions, shewed that the pope's power was subject to law and custom, and so not derived from Christ and St. Peter; and as laws had given them some power, and princes had been forced in ignorant ages to submit to their usurpations, so they might as they saw cause change those laws, and resume their rights.

The next point enquired into was, the authority that kings had in matters of religion and the church. In the New Testament, Christ was himself subject to the civil powers, and charged his disciples not to affect temporal dominion. The apostles also wrote to the churches to be subject to the higher powers, and to call them supreme; they charged every soul to be subject to them: in scripture the king is called head and supreme, and every soul is said to be under him, which joined with the other parts of their sage argument, brought the wise men of that day to the conclusion, that he is supreme head over all persons. In the primitive church the bishops only made rules or canons, but pretended to no compulsive authority, but what came from the civil magistrate. Upon the whole matter, they concluded that the pope had no power in England, and that the king had an entire dominion over all his subjects which extended even to the regulating of ecclesiastical matters. These questions being fully discussed in many disputes, and published in several books, all the bishops, abbots, and friars of England, Fisher only excepted, were so far satisfied with them, that they resolved to comply with the changes the king was determined to make.

At the next meeting of parliament there were but seven bishops and twelve abbots present, the rest it seems were unwilling to concur in making this change, though they complied with it when it was made. Every Sunday during the session a bishop preached at St. Paul's, and declared that the pope had no authority in England: before this, they had only said that a general council was above him, and that the exactions of that court, and appeals to it, were unlawful; but now they went a strain higher, to prepare the people for receiving the acts then in agitation. On the 9th of March the commons began the bill for taking away the pope's power, and sent it to the lords on the 14th, who passed it on the 20th without any dissent. In it they set forth the exaction of the court of Rome, grounded on the pope's power of dispensation; and that as none could dispense with the laws of God, so the king and parliament only had the authority of dispensing with the laws of the land: therefore such licences as were formerly in use, should be for the future granted by the two archbishops, to be confirmed under the great seal. It was moreover appointed that, thereafter, all commerce with Rome should cease. They also declared that they did not intend to alter any article of the catholic faith of Christendom, or that which was declared in the scripture necessary to salvation. They confirmed all the exemptions granted to monasteries by the popes, but subjected them to the king's visitation, and gave the king and his council power to examine and reform all indulgencies and privileges granted by the pope: the offenders against this law were to be punished according to the statutes of praemunire. This act subjected the monasteries entirely to the king's authority, and put them in no small confusion. Those who loved the reformation rejoiced to see the pope's power rooted out, and to find the scripture made the standard of religion.

After this act another passed both houses in six days' time without any opposition, settling the succession of the crown, confirming the sentence of divorce, and the king's marriage with queen Anne, and declaring all marriages within the degrees prohibited by Moses to be unlawful: all that had married within them were appointed to be divorced, and their issue illegitimatized; and the succession to the crown was settled upon the king's issue by the present queen, or in default of that to the king's right heirs for ever. All were required to swear to maintain the contents of this act; and if any refused the oath, or should say any thing to the slander of the king's marriage, he was to be judged guilty of misprision of treason, and to be punished accordingly.

About this time one Phillips complained to the house of commons of the bishop of London for using him cruelly in prison upon suspicion of heresy: the commons sent up this to the lords, but received no answer; they therefore sent some of their members to the bishop, desiring him to reply to the complaints put in against him: but he acquainted the house of lords with it; and they with one consent voted, that none of their house ought to appear or answer to any complaint at the bar of the house of commons. On this the commons let this case fall, and sent up a bill to which the lords agreed, regulating the proceedings against heretics: that whereas, by the statute made by Henry the Fourth, bishops might commit men upon suspicion of heresy; and heresy was generally defined to be whatever was contrary to the scriptures or canonical sanctions, which was liable to great ambiguity; therefore that statute was repealed, and none were to be committed for heresy but upon a presentment made by two witnesses; none were to be accused for speaking against things that were grounded only upon the pope's canons. Bail was to be taken for heretics, and they were to be brought to their trial in open court; and if upon conviction they did not abjure, or relapsed after abjuration, they were to be burnt; a royal writ being first obtained. This was a great check to the bishops' tyranny, and gave no small encouragement to all that favoured the reformation.

The convocation sent in a submission at the same time, by which they acknowledged that all the convocations ought to be assembled by the king's writ; and promised upon the words of priests, never to make nor execute any canons without the king's assent. They also desired, that since many of the received canons were found to be contrary to the king's prerogative and the laws of the land, there might be a committee named by the king of thirty-two, the one half out of the houses of parliament and the other from the clergy, empowered to abrogate or regulate them as they should see cause. This was confirmed in parliament, and the act against appeal to Rome was renewed; and an appeal was allowed from the archbishop to the king, upon which the lord chancellor was to grant a commission for a court of delegates.

Another act passed for regulating the elections and consecrations of bishops, condemning all bulls from Rome, and appointing that upon a vacancy the king should grant licence for an election, and should by a missive letter signify the person's name whom he would have chosen; and within twelve days after these were delivered, the dean and the chapter, or prior and convent, were required to return an election of the person named by the king under their seals. The bishop elect was upon that to swear fealty, and a writ was to be issued for his consecration in the usual manner; after that he was to do homage to the king, upon which both the temporalities and spiritualities were to be restored, and bishops were to exercise their jurisdictions as they had done before. All who transgressed this act were made guilty of a praemunire. A private act passed depriving cardinal Campegio and Jerome de Gainuccii of the bishoprics of Salisbury and Worcester: the reasons given for it were, because they did not reside in their dioceses, for preaching the laws of God, and keeping hospitality, but lived at the court of Rome, and drew 3,000l. a year out of the kingdom.

The last act of a particular nature, though relating only to private persons, was concerning the nun of Kent and her accomplices. It was the first occasion of shedding blood in these disputes, and it was much cherished by all the superstitious clergy who adhered to the queen's and the pope's interests. The nun, and many of her accomplices, came to the bar of the house of lords and confessed the whole matter. Among the concealers of this treason, Sir Thomas More and Fisher were named; the former of whom wrote a long letter upon the subject to Cromwell giving him a particular account of all the conversations he had with the nun: he acknowledged he had esteemed her highly, not so much out of any regard to her prophecies, but for the opinion he conceived of her holiness and humility. But he added, that he was then convinced that she was the most dissembling hypocrite he had ever known, and guilty of the most detestable hypocrisy and devilish falsehood: he also believed that she had communication with an evil spirit. This justification of More's prevailed so far, that his name was struck out of the bill.

The tale of the nun thus incidentally referred to is worth telling. Her name was Elizabeth Barton; she lived in Kent, and in occasional trances into which she fell, she spake such things as made those about her think she was inspired of God. The parson of her parish, named Master, hoping to draw advantage from this, informed archbishop Warham of it, who ordered him to watch her carefully, and bring him an account of whatever he should observe. But it seems she forgot all that she said in her fits when they were over. The artful priest however would not suffer his hopes thus to pass away, but persuaded her she was inspired, and taught her so to counterfeit those trances, that she became very expert in the trick, and could assume them at her pleasure. The matter was soon noised about, and the priest intended to raise the credit of an image of the blessed virgin, which stood in his church, that so pilgrimages and offerings might be made to it by her means. He accordingly associated to himself one Bocking, a monk of Canterbury, and they taught her to say in her fits, that the blessed virgin appeared to her, and told her she could not be well till she visited that image. She spake many good words against ill life, and also against heresy, and the king's suit of divorce then depending; and by many strange motions of her body she seemed to be inwardly possessed.

Soon after this, a day was appointed for her cure; and before an assemblage of two thousand people, she was carried to that image: and after she had acted over her fits, she seemed suddenly to recover, which was ascribed to the intercession of the virgin, and the virtue of her image. She then took the veil, and Bocking was her confessor: but between this wolf in sheep's clothing and Elizabeth many persons strongly suspected a criminal intercourse to subsist; while the esteem she was held in bore them down. Many thought her a prophetess, and Warham among the rest. A book was written of her revelations, and an epistle was shewed in letters of gold, pretended to be written to her from Heaven by Mary Magdalen. She said, that when the king was last at Calais, she was carried invisibly beyond sea, and brought back again; that an angel gave her the sacrament, and that God revealed to her that if the king went on in his divorce, and married another wife, he should fall from his crown and not live a month longer, but should die a villain's death.

Several monks of the Charter-house, and the observant friars, with many nuns, and bishop Fisher, came to give credit to all this, set a great value on the woman, and grew very insolent upon her visions. Friar Peyto, preaching in the king's chapel at Greenwich, denounced the judgments of God upon him; and said, though others as lying prophets deceived him, yet he, in the name of God told him, that dogs should lick his blood as they had done Ahab's. The king bore this patiently, contenting himself with ordering Dr. Corren to preach the next Sunday, and to answer all that he had said; who railed against Peyto as a dog and a traitor. Peyto had gone to Canterbury; but Elston, a Franciscan of the same house, interrupted him, and called him one of the lying prophets who went about to establish the succession of the crown by adultery, and spoke with such vehemence, that the king himself was forced to command silence. So unwilling was Henry to go to extremities, that all which was done upon so high a provocation was, that the parties were summoned before the council, and rebuked for their insolence. The nun's confederates proceeding to publish her revelations in all parts of the kingdom, she and nine of her accomplices were at length apprehended, when they all, without any rack or torture, discovered the whole conspiracy. Upon this confession they were appointed to go to St. Paul's, where, after a sermon preached upon the occasion by the bishop of Bangor, they repeated their confession in the hearing of the people, and were sent as prisoners to the Tower. It was given out of course by the papal party that all was extorted from them by violence, and messages were sent to the nun, inducing her to deny all that she had confessed. The king, on this, judged it necessary to proceed to further extremities: accordingly she and six of her chief accomplices were attainted of treason, and the bishop of Rochester and five more were attainted of misprision of treason. But at the intercession of queen Anne, as is expressed in the act, all others that had been concerned with her were pardoned.

After this, the nun with her coadjutors were executed at Tyburn. There she voluntary confessed herself to be an impostor, and acknowledged the justice of her sentence, laying the blame on those who suffered with her, by whom she had been seduced into the crime; adding, that they had exalted her for no other cause than for her having been of great profit to them, and they had presumed to say, that all she had done was through the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, when they were sensible the whole was human artifice. She then begged pardon of God and the king, and resigned herself to her fate. Thus ended one of the vilest impostures ever known in this country. Had this fallen out in a darker age, in which the world went mad after visions, the king might have lost his crown by it. The discovery of it disposed all to look on older stories of the trances of monastical people, as contrivances to serve base ends, and made way for the ruin of that order of men in England; but all that followed at present upon it was, that the Observants were put out of their houses, and mixed with the other Franciscans and the Austin friars were put in their room.

On the first discovery of the imposture, Cromwell sent Fisher's brother to him to reprove him for his conduct in that business, and to advise him to ask the king's pardon for the encouragement he had given to the nun, which he was confident the king would grant him. But Fisher excused himself, and said he had only tried whether her revelations were true or not. He confessed, that upon the reports he had heard, he was induced to have a high opinion of her, and that he had never discovered any falsehood in her. It is true, she had said some things to him concerning the king's death which he had not revealed; but he thought it was not necessary to do it, because he knew she had told them to the king herself: she had named no person that should kill the king, but had only denounced it as a judgment of God upon him: and he had reason to think that the king would have been offended with him if he had spoken of it to him: he therefore desired to be no more troubled with that matter. On this statement Cromwell wrote him a sharp letter shewing him that he had proceeded rashly in that affair; being so partial in the matter of the king's divorce, that he easily believed every thing that seemed to make against it. Moreover, he told him how necessary it was to use great caution before extraordinary things should be received or spread about as revelations, since otherwise the peace of the world would be in the hands of every bold and crafty impostor; and in conclusion, he advised him again to ask the king's pardon for his rashness, and he assured him that the king was ready to forgive him. But Fisher would make no submission, and was in consequence included within the act; though it was not executed till a new provocation drew him into farther trouble. The secular and regular clergy every where took the oath of succession, which none more zealously promoted than Gardiner, who before the 6th of May got all his clergy to swear it: and the religious orders being apprehensive of the king's jealousies of them, took care to remove them by sending in declarations under the seals of their houses, that in their opinion the king's present marriage was lawful, and that they would always acknowledge him head of the church of England.

A meeting of the council was held at Lambeth, to which many were cited that they might take the oath, among whom were Sir Thomas More and Fisher. More was first summoned to take it: he answered, that he neither blamed those that made the acts, nor those that took the oath; and that he was willing to swear to maintain the succession to the crown, but could not take the oath as it was expressed. Fisher made the same answer, but all the rest that were cited before them took it. More was pressed to give his reasons against it: but he refused, for it might be called a disputing against law: yet he would put them into writing if the king commanded him to do it. Cranmer said, if he did not blame those that took it, it seems he was not persuaded it was a sin, and so was only doubtful of it; but he was sure he ought to obey the law, if it was not sinful: so there was a certainty on one hand, and only a doubt on the other, and therefore the former ought to determine him. This More confessed did shake him a little, but he said he thought in his conscience that it would be a sin in him. In conclusion, both he and Fisher declared that they thought it was in the power of the parliament to settle the succession to the crown, and so were ready to swear to that; but they could not take the oath that was tended to them, for by it they must swear to maintain the king's former marriage as unlawful, to which they could not assent; so they were both committed to the Tower, and denied the use of pen, ink, and paper. The old bishop was also hardly used both in his raiment and diet; he had only rags to cover him, and fire was often denied him; a cruelty not capable of excuse, and as barbarous as it was imprudent.

In winter parliament met again, and the first act that passed declared the king to be supreme head on earth of the church of England, which was ordered to be prefixed to other titles; and it was enacted, that he and his successors should have full authority to reform all heresies and abuses in the spiritual jurisdiction. By another act, parliament confirmed the oath of succession, which had not been specified in the former, though agreed to by the lords. They also gave the king the first-fruits and tenths of ecclesiastical benefices, as being the supreme head of the church; for the king being put in the pope's room, it was thought reasonable to give him the annats which the popes had formerly exacted. Another act passed, declaring some things treason; one of these was the denying the king any of his titles, or calling him heretic, schismatic, or usurper of the crown. By another act, provision was made for setting up twenty-six suffragan bishops over England, for the more speedy administration of the sacraments, and the better service of God. The supreme diocesan was to present two names to the king, and upon the king's declaring his choice, the archbishop was to consecrate the person, and then the bishop was to delegate such parts of his charge to his care as he thought fitting, which was to continue during his pleasure. The great extent of the dioceses in England made it difficult for one bishop to govern them with that exactness that was necessary; these were therefore appointed to assist them in the discharge of the pastoral care.

Fisher and More, by two special acts, were attainted of misprision of treason; five other clerks were in like manner condemned, all for refusing to take the oath of succession. The see of Rochester was declared void; yet it would seem that few were willing to succeed such a man, for it continued vacant two years, and was at last with difficulty filled.

But now a new scene commenced; and before we enter upon it we shall find it necessary to state the progress that the new opinions had made in England during the time of the king's suit of divorce. While Wolsey was a minister, the reformed preachers were gently used; and it is probable the king ordered the bishops to give over their enquiring after them, when the pope began to use him ill; for the progress of heresy was always reckoned at Rome among the mischiefs that would follow upon the pope's rejecting the king's suit. But More coming into favour, he offered new counsels, and thought the king's proceeding severely against heretics would be so meritorious at Rome, that it would work more effectually than all his threatenings had done. Upon this, a severe proclamation was issued both against their books and persons, ordering all the laws against them to be put in execution. Tindal and others at Antwerp were every year either translating or writing books against some of the received errors, and sending them over to England: but his translation of the New Testament gave the greatest wound, and was much complained of by the clergy as full of errors. Tonstal, then bishop of London, being a man of great learning, returning from the treaty of Cambray, to which More and he were sent in the king's name, as he came through Antwerp, dealt with an English merchant who was secretly a friend of Tindal's, to procure him as many of his Testaments as could be had for money.

Tindal gladly received this; for being engaged in a more correct edition, he found he should be better able to proceed if the copies of the old were sold off; he therefore gave the merchant all he had, and Tonstall paying the price of them, got them over to England, and burnt them publicly in Cheapside. This was called a burning of the word of God: and it was said the clergy had reason to revenge themselves on it; for it had done them more mischief than all other books whatsoever. But a year after this, the second edition being finished, great numbers were sent over to England, when Constantine, one of Tindal's partners, happened to be taken: believing that some of the London merchants furnished them with money, he was promised his liberty if he would discover who they were, when he told him the bishop of London did more than all the world beside; for he had bought up the greatest part of a faulty impression. The clergy, on their condemning Tindal's translation, promised a new one; but a year after they said it was unnecessary to publish the Scriptures in English, and that the king did well not to set about it.

About this time a singular book written by one Fish, of Gray's Inn, was published. It was entitled, "The Supplication of the Beggars," and had a vast sale. The beggars complained that the alms of the people were intercepted by the mendicant friars, who were a useless burthen to the government; they also taxed the pope with cruelty for taking no pity on the poor, since none but those who could pay for it were delivered out of purgatory. The king was so pleased with this publication, that he would not suffer any thing to be done against the author. More answered it by another supplication in behalf of the souls in purgatory; setting forth the miseries they were in, and the relief which they received by the masses that were said for them: and therefore called upon their friends to support the religious orders which had now so many enemies.

Fish published a serious answer, in which he shewed that there was no mention made of purgatory in scripture; that it was inconsistent with the merits of Christ, by which upon sincere repentance all sins were pardoned; for if they were pardoned, they could not be punished; and though temporary judgments, either as medicinal corrections or a warning to others, do sometimes fall even on true penitents, yet fiery punishments in another state cannot consist with a free pardon and the remembering of our sins no more. In expounding many passages of the New Testament, he appealed to More's great friend Erasmus, and shewed that the fire spoken of by St. Paul, as that which would consume the wood, hay, and stubble, could only be meant of the fiery trial of persecution. He shewed that the primitive church did not receive the doctrine of purgatory. Ambrose, Jerome, and Austin did not believe it; the last having plainly said that no mention was made of it in scripture. The monks alone brought it in; and by many wonderful stories possessed the world of the belief of it, and had made a very profitable trade in it. This book so provoked the clergy, that they resolved to make the author feel a real fire, for endeavouring to extinguish their imaginary one. More objected poverty and want of learning to the new preachers; but it was answered, the same thing was made use of to disgrace Christ and his apostles; while a plain simplicity of mind, without artificial improvements, was rather thought a good disposition for men that were to bear a cross, and the glory of God appeared more eminent than the instruments seemed contemptible.

But the pen being thought too feeble and gentle a tool, the clergy betook themselves to persecution. Many were vexed with imprisonments for teaching their children the Lord's prayer in English, for harbouring the preachers, and for speaking against the corruptions in the worship, or the vices of the clergy; but these generally abjured and saved themselves from death. Others more faithful were honoured with martyrdom. One Hinton, formerly a curate, who had gone over to Tindal, was seized on his way back with some books he was conveying to England, and was condemned by archbishop Warham. He was kept long in prison; but remaining firm to his cause, he was at length burned at Maidstone.

But the most remarkable martyr of this day was Thomas Bilney, who was brought up at Cambridge from a child, and became a bold and uncompromising reformer. On leaving the university, he went into several places and preached; and in his sermons spoke with great boldness against the pride and insolence of the clergy. This was during the ministry of Wolsey, who hearing of his attacks, caused him to be seized and imprisoned. Overcome with fear, Bilney abjured, was pardoned, and returned to Cambridge in the year 1530. Here he fell into great horror of mind in consequence of his instability and the denial of the truth. He became ashamed of himself, bitterly repented of his sin, and, growing strong in faith, resolved to make some atonement by a public avowal of his apostacy and confession of his sentiments. To prepare himself for his task, he studied the scriptures with deep attention for two years; at the expiration of which he again quitted the university, and went into Norfolk, where he was born, and preached up and down that country against idolatry and superstition; exhorting the people to live well, to give much alms, to believe in Christ, and to offer up their souls and wills to him in the sacrament. He openly confessed his own sin of denying the faith; and using no precaution as he went about, was soon taken by the bishop's officers, condemned as a relapse, and degraded. Sir Thomas More not only sent down the writ to burn him, but in order to make him suffer another way, he affirmed that he had said in print that he had abjured; but no paper signed by him was ever shewn, and little credit was due to the priests that gave it out that he did it by word of mouth. Parker, afterwards archbishop, was an eye-witness of his sufferings. He bore all his hardships with great fortitude and resignation, and continued very cheerful after his sentence. He ate the poor provisions that were brought him heartily, saying, He must keep up a ruinous cottage till it fell. He had these words of Isaiah often in his mouth, "When thou walkest through the fire, thou shalt not be burned:" and by burning his finger in the candle, he prepared himself for the fire, and said it would only consume the stubble of his body, while it would purify his soul, and give it a swifter conveyance to the region where Elijah was conveyed by another fiery chariot.

On the 10th of November he was brought to the stake, where he repeated the creed, as a proof that he was a true Christian. He then prayed earnestly, and with the deepest feeling offered this prayer--"Enter not into judgment with thy servant, O Lord, for in thy sight no flesh living can be justified." Dr. Warner attended and embraced him, shedding many tears, and wishing he might die in as good a frame of mind as Bilney then was. The friars requested him to inform the people, that they were not instrumental to his death, which he did, so that the last act of his life was full of charity, even to those who put him to death.

The officers then put the reeds and fagots about his body, and set fire to the first, which made a great flame, and disfigured his face: he held up his hands, and often struck his breast, crying sometimes "Jesus!" sometimes "Credo!" but the flame was blown away from him several times, the wind being very high, till at length the wood taking fire, the flame was stronger, and he yielded up his spirit to God who gave it.

As his body shrunk up it leaned down on the chain, till one of the officers with his halberd struck out the staple of the chain behind him, on which it fell down into the bottom of the fire, when they heaped up wood upon it and consumed it. The sufferings, the confession, and the heroic death of this martyr, inspired and animated others with the same fortitude.

Byfield, who had formerly abjured, was taken dispersing Tindal's books; and he, with one Tewkesbury, were condemned by the bishop of London, and burnt. Two men and a woman suffered the same fate at York. Of these proceedings the parliament complained to the king; but this did not check the sanguinary proceedings of the clergy. One Bainham, a counsellor of the Temple, was taken on suspicion of heresy, was whipped in the presence of Sir T. More, and afterwards racked in the Tower; yet he could not be wrought on to accuse any: through fear, however, he abjured himself. After this being discharged, he was in great trouble of mind, and could find no quiet till he went publicly to church, where he openly confessed his sins, and declared the torments he felt in his conscience for what he had done. Upon this he was again seized on, and condemned for having said that Thomas `a Becket was a murderer, and was damned if he had not repented; and that in the sacrament, Christ's body was received by faith, and not eaten with the mouth. Sentence was passed on him by Stokesly, and he was burnt. Soon after this More delivered up the great seal, in consequence of which the preachers had some ease.

The rage of persecution stopped not at the living, but vented itself even on the dead. Lord Tracy made a will by which he left his soul to God, in hope of mercy through Christ, without the help of any saint; and therefore he declared that he would leave nothing for soul-masses. This will being brought into the bishop of London's court to be proved, after his death, gave so much offence, that he was condemned as a heretic, and an order was sent to the Chancellor of Worcester to raise his body; but he proceeded farther and burnt it, which could not be justified, since he was not a relapse. Tracy's heir sued him for it, and he was turned out of his place, and fined 400l. The clergy proclaimed an indulgence of forty days' pardon to any that carried a fagot to the burning of a heretic, that so cruelty might seem the more meritorious. And aged man, Harding, being condemned by Longland, bishop of Lincoln, as he was tied to the stake, a barbarian flung a fagot with such force against him, that it dashed out his brains.

The reformed enjoyed a respite of two years, when the crafty Gardiner represented to the king, that it would give him great advantages against the pope if he would take some occasion to shew his hatred of heresy. Accordingly a young man named Frith was chosen as a sacrifice for this affected zeal for religion. He was distinguished for learning, and was the first who wrote against the corporeal presence in the sacrament in England. He followed Zuinglius's doctrine on these grounds: Christ received in the sacrament gave eternal life, but this was given only to those who believed, from which he inferred that he was received only by faith. St. Paul said, that the fathers before Christ eat the same spiritual food with christians; from which it appears that Christ is now no more corporeally present to us than he was to them; and he argued from the nature of sacraments in general, and the end of the Lord's supper, that it was only a commemoration. Yet, upon these premises, he built no other conclusion but that Christ's presence was no article of faith. His reasons he put in writing, which falling into the hands of Sir Thomas More, were answered by him: but Frith never saw his publication till he was put in prison; and then, though he was loaded with irons, and had no books allowed, he replied. He insisted much on the argument, that the Israelites did eat the same food, and drank of the same rock, and that rock was Christ; and since Christ was only mystically and by faith received by them, he concluded that he was at the present time also received only in the same manner. He shewed that Christ's words, "This is my body," were accommodated to the Jewish phrase of calling the lamb the Lord's passover; and confirmed his opinion with many passages out of the fathers, in which the elements were called signs and figures of Christ's body; and they said, that upon consecration they did not cease to be bread and wine, but remained still in their own proper natures. He also shewed that the fathers were strangers to all the consequences of that opinion, as that a body could be in more places than one at the same time, or could be every where in the manner of a spirit: yet he concluded, that if that opinion were held only as a speculation, so that adoration were not offered to the elements, it might be well tolerated, but that he condemned it as gross idolatry. This was intended by him to prevent such heats in England, as were raised in Germany between the Lutherans and Helvetians, by reason of their different opinions concerning the sacrament.

For these offences he was seized in May, 1533, and brought before Stokesly, Gardiner, and Longland. They charged him with not believing in purgatory and transubstantiation. He gave the reasons that determined him to look on neither of these as articles of faith; but thought that the affirming or denying them ought to be determined positively. The bishops seemed unwilling to proceed to sentence; but he continuing resolute, Stokesly pronounced it, and so delivered him to the secular arm, insisting that his punishment might be moderated, so that the rigour might not be too extreme, nor yet the gentleness of it too much mitigated. This obtestation by the bowels of Christ was thought a mockery, when all the world knew that it was intended that he should be burnt. One Hewitt, an apprentice of London, was also condemned with him on the same account. They were brought to the stake at Smithfield on the 4th of July, 1533. On arriving there, Frith expressed great joy, and hugged the fagots with seeming transport. A priest named Cook, who stood by, called to the people not to pray for them more than they would do for a dog: at this Frith smiled, and prayed God to forgive him after which the fire was kindled, which consumed them both to ashes.

This was the last instance of the cruelty of the clergy at present; for the act already mentioned, regulating their proceedings, followed soon after. Phillips, at whose complaint that bill was begun, was committed upon suspicion of heresy; a copy of Tracy's will was found about him, and butter and cheese were also found in his chamber in Lent; but he being required to abjure, appealed to the king as supreme judge in such matters. Upon that he was set at liberty; but whether he was tried by the king or not, is not upon record.

The act being passed, gave the new preachers and their followers some respite. The king was also empowered to reform all heresies and idolatries: and his affairs now obliged him to unite himself to the princes of Germany, that by their means he might so embroil the emperor's affairs, as not to give him leisure to turn his arms against England; and this produced a slackening of all severities against the reformers at home; for those princes, in the first fervour of the reformation, made it an article in all their treaties, that none should be prosecuted for favouring their doctrine. The queen also openly protected them; she took Latimer and Shaxton to be her chaplains, and promoted them to the bishoprics of Worcester and Salisbury. Cranmer was fully convinced of the necessity of a reformation, and that he might carry it on with true judgment, and justify it by good authorities, he made a careful collection of the opinions of the ancient fathers and later doctors, in all the points of religion, comprising six folio volumes. He was a man of great candour and much patience and industry; and thus was on all accounts well prepared for that work, to which the providence of God now called him: and though he was in some things too much subject to the king's imperious temper, yet in the matter of the six articles, he shewed that he wanted not the courage that became a bishop in the most critical affairs. Cromwell was his great and constant friend; a man of mean birth but of excellent qualities, as appeared in his adhering to his master Wolsey after his fall.

The following incident strongly characterizes the generous temper of this minister:--At the height of his prosperity he happened to see a merchant of Lucca, who had pitied and relieved him when he was in Italy, but did not so much as know him, or pretended to any returns for the small favours he had formerly shewed him, and was then reduced to a low condition. Cromwell, however, made himself known to him, gave him the strongest acknowledgments and the most substantial proofs of his gratitude and liberality.

While these men set themselves to carry on a reformation, another party was formed who as vigorously opposed it. This was headed by the duke of Norfolk and Gardiner; and almost all the clergy joined with them. They persuaded the king that nothing would give the pope or the emperor such advantages, as his making any changes in religion; and it would reflect much on him, if he who had written so learnedly for the faith, should in spite to the pope make any changes in it. Nothing would encourage other princes so much to follow his example, or keep his subjects so faithfully to him, as his continuing steadfast in the ancient religion. These things made a great impression on him. On the other hand, Cranmer represented to him that if he rejected the pope's authority it was very absurd to let such opinions or practices continue in the church which had no other foundation but papal decrees; and therefore he desired that this might be put to the trial; he ought to depend on God, and hope for good success if he proceeded in this matter according to the duty of a christian prince. England was a complete body within itself; and though in the Roman empire, when united under one prince general councils were easily assembled, yet now they were not easily to be converted, and therefore should not be relied on; but every prince ought to reform the church in his dominions by a national synod; and if in the ancient church such synods condemned heresies, and reformed abuses, this might be much more done, when Europe was divided into so many kingdoms. It was visible that though both the emperor and the princes of Germany had for twenty years desired a general council, it could not be obtained of the pope; he had indeed offered one at Mantua, but that was only an illusion.

Upon this the king desired others of his bishops to give their opinions concerning the emperor's power of calling councils; so Cranmer of Canterbury, Tonstal of London, Clark of Bath and Wells, and Goodrick of Ely, made answer, that though ancient councils were called by the Roman emperors, yet that was done by reason of the extent of their monarchy, which had now ceased, and other princes had an entire monarchy within their dominions. At this assembly of prelates Cranmer made a long speech, setting forth the necessity of reformation. He began with the impostures and deceit used by the canonists and other courtiers at Rome. Then he spoke to the authority of a general council; he shewed that it flowed not from the number of the bishops, but from the matter of their decisions, which were received with an universal consent; for there were many more bishops at the council of Arimini, which was condemned, than either at Nice or Constantinople, which was received. Christ had named no head of the whole church, as God had named no head of the world; but that grew up for order's sake, as there were archbishops set over provinces; yet some popes were condemned for heresy, as Liberius and others. If faith must be showed by works, the ill lives of most popes of late shewed that their faith was to be suspected; and all the privileges which princes or synods granted to that see might be recalled. Popes ought to submit themselves to general councils, and were to be tried by them; he showed what were the present corruptions of the pope and his court, which needed reformation. The. pope, according to the decree of the council of Basil, was the church's vicar, and not Christ's; and so was accountable to it. The churches of France declared the council to be above the pope, which had been acknowledged by many popes themselves. The power of councils had also bounds, nor could they judge of the rights of princes, or proceed to a sentence against a king; nor were their canons of any force till princes added their sanctions to them. Councils ought also to proceed moderately, even against those that held errors, and ought not to impose things indifferent too severely. The scriptures, and not men's traditions, ought to be the standard of their definitions. The divines of Paris held, that a council could not make a new article of faith that was not in the scriptures; and all Christ's promises to the church were to be understood with this condition, "if they kept the faith:" therefore there was great reason to doubt concerning the authority of a council; some of them had contradicted others, and many others were never received. The fathers had always appealed to the scriptures, as superior in authority to councils, by which only all controversies ought to be decided: yet, on the other hand, it was dangerous to be wise in one's own conceit, and he thought when the fathers all agreed in the exposition of any place of scripture, that ought to be looked on as flowing from the spirit of God. He showed how little regard was to be had to a council, in which the pope presided, and that if any common error had passed upon the world, when that came to be discovered, every one was at liberty to shake it off, even though they had sworn to maintain that error: this he applied to the pope's authority. This was the state of the court after king Henry had shaken off the pope's power, and assumed a supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs.

The nobility and gentry were generally well satisfied with the change; but the body of the people were more under the power of the priests, who studied to infuse into them great fears of a change in religion. It was said the king now joined himself to heretics; that both the queen, Cranmer, and Cromwell favoured them. It was left free to dispute what were articles of faith, and what were only the decrees of popes; and changes would be made under this pretence, that they only rejected those opinions which were supported by the papal authority. The monks and friars saw themselves left at the king's mercy. Their bulls could be no longer useful to them. The trade of new saints, and indulgences, was now at an end; they had also some intimations that Cromwell was forming a project for suppressing them: so they thought it necessary for their own preservation to embroil the king's affairs as much as was possible; therefore both in confessions and discourses, they were inspiring the people with a dislike of his proceedings. But the practices of the clergy at home, and of cardinal Pole abroad, the libels there were published, and the rebellions that were afterwards raised in England, wrought so much on the king's temper, naturally imperious and boisterous, that he became too apt to commit acts of severity, and to bring his subjects into trouble upon slight grounds; and his new title of head of the church seemed to have increased his former vanity, and made him fancy that all his subjects were bound to regulate their belief by the measures he set them.

The bishops and abbots did what they could to free the king of any jealousies he might have of them; and of their own accord, before any law was made about it, they swore to maintain the king's supremacy. The first act of it was making Cromwell vicar-general, and visitor of all the monasteries and churches of England, with a delegation of the king's supremacy to him; he was also empowered to give commissions subaltern to himself; and all wills, where the estate was in value above 200l. were to be proved in his court. This was afterwards enlarged, and he was made the king's vicegerent in ecclesiastical matters, and had the precedence of all next the royal family; and his authority was in all points the same as the pope's legates. Pains were taken to engage all the clergy to declare for the supremacy. At Oxford a public determination was made, to which every member assented, that the pope had no more authority in England than any other foreign bishop. The Franciscans at Richmond made some opposition; they said that by the rule of St. Francis, they were bound to obey the holy see. The bishop of Litchfield told them that all the bishops in England, all the heads of houses, and the most learned divines, had signed that proposition. St. Francis made his rule in Italy, where the bishop of Rome was metropolitan, but that ought not to extend to England: and it was shewed that the chapter cited by them was not written by him, but added since; yet they continued positive in their refusal to sign it.

It is well known that all the monks and friars, though they appeared to comply, yet hated this new power of the king's; the people were also startled at it: so one Dr. Leighton, who had been in the cardinal's service with Cromwell, proposed a general visitation of all the religious houses in England; and thought that nothing would reconcile the nation so much to the king's supremacy, as to see some good effect flow from it. Others deemed this too bold a step, and feared it would provoke the religious orders too much. Yet it was known that they were guilty of such disorders, as nothing could so effectually check as enquiry. Cranmer led the way to this by a metropolitan visitation, for which he obtained the king's licence: he took care to see that the pope's name was struck out of all the offices of the church, and that the king's supremacy was generally acknowledged.

In October the general visitation of the monasteries commenced; which was divided into several precincts: instructions were given them what things to enquire after, as whether the houses had the full number according to their foundation? if they performed divine worship in the appointed hours? what exemptions they had? what were their statutes? how their heads were chosen? and how their vows were observed? Whether they lived according to the severities of their orders? how the master and other officers did their duties? how their lands and revenues were managed? what hospitality was kept? what care was taken of the novices? what benefices were in their gift, and how they disposed of them? how the inclosures of the nunneries were preserved? whether the nuns went abroad, or if men were admitted to come to them? how they employed their time, and what priests they had for their confessors? They were also ordered to give them some injunctions in the king's name, that they should acknowledge his supremacy, and maintain the act of succession, and declare all to be absolved from rules or oath that bound them to obey the pope; and that all their statutes tending to that bond should be erased out of their books. That the abbots should not have choice dishes, but plain tables, for hospitality; and that the scriptures should be read at meals; that they should have daily lectures of divinity; and maintain some of every house at the university. The abbot was required to instruct the monks in true religion, and to shew them that it did not consist in outward ceremonies, but in clearness of heart, and purity of life, and worship of God in spirit and truth. Rules were given about their revenues, and against admitting any under twenty years of age. Visitors were empowered to punish offenders, or to bring them to answer before the visitor-general.

What the ancient British monks were is not well known; whether they were governed according to the rules of the monks of Egypt or France, is matter of conjecture. They were in all things obedient to their bishops, as all the monks of the primitive times were. But upon the confusions which the Gothic war brought upon Italy, Benedict set up a new order with more artificial rules for its government. Not long after, Gregory the Great raised the credit of that order much, by his dialogues: and Austin the monk being sent by him to convert England, founded a monastery at Canterbury, which bore his name, and which both the king and Austin exempted from the archbishop's jurisdiction. After that many other abbeys were founded and exempted by the kings of England, if credit is due to the records and charters of the monasteries.

In the end of the eighth century, the Danes made several descents upon England; and finding the most wealth and the least resistance in the monasteries, they generally plundered them, insomuch that the monks were forced to quit their seats, and leave them to the secular clergy: so that in King Edgar's time there was scarce a monk left in all England. He was a lewd and cruel prince: and Dunstan and other monks taking advantage from some horrors of conscience into which he fell, persuaded him that restoring the monastic state would be matter of great merit; on which he converted many of the chapters into monasteries. He only exempted them from all payments to the bishops; but others were exempted from episcopal jurisdiction. In some only the precinct was exempted; in others, the exemption was extended to all the lands or churches belonging to them. The latest exemption from episcopal jurisdiction granted by any king, is that of Battel, founded by William the Conqueror. After this the exemptions were granted by the popes, who pretending to an universal jurisdiction, assumed this among other usurpations.

Some abbeys had also the privilege of being sanctuaries to all who fled to them. The foundation of all their wealth, was the belief of purgatory, and of the virtue that was in masses to redeem the souls of men; and that these eased the torments of departed spirits, and at last delivered them. Hence it passed among all for piety to parents, and of care for their own souls and families, to endow those houses with some lands, on condition that they should have masses said for them, as it was agreed on more or less frequently, according to the measure of the gift. This would have drawn the whole wealth of the nation into those houses, if the statute of Mortmain had not put some restraint to the practice. They also persuaded the world that the saints interceded for them, and would take it kindly at their hands, if they made great offerings to their shrines, and would thereupon intercede the more earnestly for them. The credulous vulgar, measuring the court of heaven by those on earth, believed presents might be of great efficacy there, and thought the new favourites would have the most weight in their intercessions: so that upon every new canonization there was a fresh fit of devotion towards the last saint, whilst the elder was almost forgotten. Some images were believed to have an extraordinary virtue in them, and pilgrimages to these were much extolled. There was also great rivalry among the several orders, as well as the different houses of the same orders, every one magnifying their own saints, images, and relics most. The wealth of these houses brought them under great corruptions. They were generally very dissolute, and grossly ignorant. Their privileges were become a public grievance, and their lives gave great scandal to the world. So that, as they had found it easy to bear down the secular clergy, when their own vices were more secret, the begging friars found it easy to carry the esteem of the world from them. These, under the appearance of poverty, and coarse diet and clothing, gained much esteem, and became almost the only preachers and confessors then in the world. They had a general at Rome, from whom they received such directions as the popes sent them; so that they were more useful to the papacy than the monks had been. They had also the school-learning in their hands, on which account they were generally much cherished. But living much in the world they could not conceal their vices so artfully as the monks had done; and though several reformations had been made of their orders, they had all fallen under great scandal and disesteem. The king intended to erect new bishoprics; but to do this it was necessary to make use of some of their revenues, and he thought the best way to bring their wealth into his hands, would be to expose their vices. Cranmer promoted this because the houses were founded on gross abuses, and subsisted by them; which were necessary to be removed if a reformation went on. The extent of many dioceses was also such, that one man could not oversee them; to remedy which, he intended to have more bishoprics founded, and to have houses at every cathedral for the education of those who should be employed in the pastoral charge.

The visitors went over England, and found in many places monstrous disorders. The most unnatural crimes were found in many houses: great factions and barbarous cruelties were in others; and in some there were found tools for coining. The report contained many abominable things, not fit to be mentioned: some of these were printed, but the greater part were suppressed and concealed. The first house that was surrendered to the king was Langdon, in Kent; the abbot was found to live with a woman who went in the habit of a lay brother. To prevent greater evil to himself, he and ten of his monks signed a resignation of their house to the king. Two other monasteries in the same county, Folkstone and Dover, followed their example. And in the following year, four others made the like surrenders.

In the year 1536, queen Katharine died. She had been resolute in maintaining her title and state, saying that when the pope had judged her marriage was good, she would die rather than do any thing to prejudice it. She desired to be buried among the Observant friars, who had most strongly supported and suffered for her cause. She ordered 500 masses to be said for her soul; and that one of her women should go a pilgrimage to our lady of Walsingham, and give two hundred nobles on her way to the poor.

When she found death approaching, she wrote to the emperor, recommending her daughter Mary, who afterwards became queen, to his care. She also wrote to the king, with this inscription, "My dear lord, king, and husband." She forgave him all the injuries he had done her, and wished him to have regard to his soul. She recommended her daughter to his protection, and desired him to be kind to her three maids, and to pay her servants a year's wages. Strange to say, she concluded her letter to the king with this sentence, "Mine eyes desire you above all things." She expired on the eighth of January, at Kimbolton, in the fiftieth year of her age, having been thirty-three years in England. She was devout and exemplary; used to work with her own hands, and kept her women at work with her. Her alms-deeds, joined to her troubles, begat an esteem for her among all ranks of people. The king ordered her to be buried in the abbey of Peterborough, and was, or seemed to be considerably affected at her death.

The same year the parliament confirmed the act which empowered two to revise the ecclesiastical laws; but no time being limited for its completion it had no effect. The chief business of this session was the suppressing of monasteries under 200l. a year. The act set forth the great disorders of those houses, and the many unsuccessful attempts made to reform them. The few truly serious people that were in them were ordered to be placed in the greater houses, where religion was better observed, and the revenues given to the king. The king was also empowered to make new foundations of such of the suppressed houses as he pleased, which were in all three hundred and seventy. This parliament, after six years' continuance, was dissolved rather suddenly, and somewhat against the will of the king. It was more than suspected, by persons interested in the preservation of the remaining monasteries, that they would soon share the fate of their predecessors, and the most strenuous efforts were therefore made to get rid of the parliament in order to keep a few of these obnoxious establishments in the land.

In a convocation which sat at this time, a motion was made for translating the Bible into English, which had been promised when Tindal's translation was condemned, but was afterwards laid aside by the clergy, as neither necessary nor expedient. It was said, that those whose office was to teach people the word of God, did all they could to suppress it. Moses, the prophets, and the apostles, wrote in the vulgar tongue: Christ directed the people to search the scriptures; and as soon as any nation was converted to the christian religion, the Bible was translated into their language; nor was it ever taken out of the hands of the people, till the christian religion was so corrupted, that it was deemed impolitic to trust them with a book which would so manifestly discover those errors: hence the legends, as agreeing better with those abuses, were read instead of the word of God. Cranmer thought, that putting the Bible into the people's hands would be the most effectual means of promoting the reformation; and therefore moved that the king might be prayed to order it. But Gardiner and all the other party opposed this vehemently. They pleaded that all the extravagant opinions then in Germany rose from the indiscreet use of the scriptures. Some of those opinions were at this time disseminated in England, both against the divinity and incarnation of Christ, and the usefulness of the sacraments. It was therefore urged that during these distractions the use of the scriptures would prove a great snare, and proposed that instead of them, there might be some short exposition of the christian religion put in the people's hands, which might keep them in subjection to the king and the church: but it was carried in the convocation for the affirmative. At court men were much divided in this point; some said, if the king gave way to it, he would never be able after that to govern his people, and that they would break into many divisions: on the other hand, it was maintained, that nothing would make the difference between the pope's power and the king's supremacy appear more eminently, than for the one to give the people the free use of the word of God, while the other kept them in darkness, and ruled them by a blind obedience. It would not go far to extinguish the interest that either the pope or the monks had in England. The Bible would teach them, that the world had been long deceived by their impostures, which had no foundation in the scriptures. These reasons, joined with the interest that the queen had in the king, prevailed so far with him, that he gave order for setting about this important affair with all possible haste; and within three years the impression of it was finished.

The popish party saw with disappointment and concern, that the new queen was the great obstacle to their designs. Henry had married Anne chiefly through passionate fondness, and she grew not only in the king's esteem, but in the love of the nation. It was reported that she bestowed above 14,000l. in alms to the poor, and she seemed to delight in doing good. Soon after Katharine's death, she bore a dead son, which was believed to have made some impression on the king's mind unfavourable to her. It was also considered that Katharine being dead, the king might marry another papist, and thus regain the friendship of the pope and the emperor, and that the issue by any other marriage would never be questioned. With these reasons of state the king's affections coincided, for he was now in love with Jane Seymour, whose disposition was tempered between the gravity of Katharine and the gaiety of Anne. The latter used all possible arts to re-inflame a dying affection; but the king was changed, and even determined on her destruction: and her brother's wife being jealous of her husband and her, prejudiced the king with her own extravagant apprehensions, and filled his head with many false reports. Norris, Weston, and Brereton, the king's servants, and Smeton a musician, were said to have been particularly officious about her. Something was pretended to have been sworn by the lady Wingfield at her death that determined the king, but there is little light left to judge of that matter. The king left her, upon which she was confined to her chamber, and the five persons before mentioned were seized and sent to the Tower, and the next day she was sent thither. On the river some privy counsellors came to examine her, but she made deep protestations of her innocence; and on landing at the Tower she fell on her knees and prayed God to assist her, as she was free of the crimes laid to her charge. The others who were imprisoned on her account, denied every thing, except Smeton, who, it is supposed through hopes of favour and acquittal, confessed that he had been criminally connected with her. This, however, he denied when he was brought afterwards to execution, a denial of undoubted proof that she was indeed innocent. She was of a remarkable lively temper, and having resided long in the French court, had imbibed in her behaviour somewhat of the levities of that people. She was also free from pride, and hence, in her exterior, she might have condescended too much to her familiar servants. She even confessed she had once rallied Norris, and told him that he was in love with her, and only waited the king's death to marry her: this was the head and front of her offending.

The whole court however was turned against her, and she had no friend about the king but Cranmer: her enemies therefore procured an order for him not to come to court; yet he put all to hazard, and wrote the king a long letter upon this critical juncture. He acknowledged, that if the things reported of the queen were true, it was the greatest affliction that ever befel the king, and therefore exhorted him to bear it with patience and submission to the will of God: he confessed he never had a better opinion of any woman than of her; and that next to the king he was more bound to her than to all persons living, and therefore he begged his leave to pray that she might be found innocent: he loved her not a little, because of the love which she seemed to bear to God and his gospel; but if she was guilty, all who love the gospel must hate her, as having been the greatest slander possible to the gospel: but he prayed the king not to entertain any prejudice to the gospel on her account, nor give the world to say, that his love to that was founded on the influence she had with him. But the king was inexorable. The indictments were laid in the counties of Kent and Middlesex, the former relating to what was done in Greenwich. Smeton pleaded guilty, as before; the rest pleaded not guilty; but they were all condemned.

On the 15th of May the queen and her brother, who was then a peer, were tried before the duke of Norfolk, as high steward, and a court of twenty-seven peers. The crime charged on her was, that she had procured illicit favours from her brother and four other persons, and had often said to them, that the king never had her heart; and this was to the slander of the issue begotten between the king and her, which was treason by the act which confirmed her marriage, so that this act was now turned to her ruin. They would not now acknowledge her the king's lawful wife, and therefore did not found the treason on the known statute 25th Edw. III. It does not appear what evidence was brought against her; for Smeton being already condemned could not be subpoenaed to attest her guilt; and his never being brought face to face against her, gave just suspicion that he was persuaded to his confession by base practices. The evidence rested only on the declaration of a dead woman; but whether that was forged or real, can never be known till the great day discovers it. The forgery, however, rests on the strongest suspicion.

The earl of Northumberland was one of the judges. He had formerly been in love with the queen, and either from reviving affection, or from some other circumstance, he became suddenly so ill that he could not stay out the trial. Yet all this did not satisfy the king; he resolved to illegitimatize his daughter, the lady Elizabeth, and in order to that to annul his marriage with the queen. It was remembered that the earl of Northumberland had said to cardinal Wolsey, that he had engaged himself so far with her that he could not go back, which was perhaps done by some promise conceived in words of the future tense, but no promise, unless in the words of the present tense, could annul the subsequent marriage. Perhaps the queen did not understand that difference, or probably the fear of a terrible death wrought so much on her, that she confessed the contract; but the earl denied it positively, and took the sacrament upon it, wishing it might turn to his damnation if there was ever either contract or promise of marriage between them. Upon her own confession, however, her marriage with the king was judged null from the beginning, and she was condemned, although nothing could be more contradictory; for if she was never the king's wife, she could not be guilty of adultery, there being no breach of the faith of wedlock. But the king was resolved both to be rid of her, and to declare the daughter she had borne him illegitimate. The day before her death, she sent her last message to the king, asserting her innocence, recommending her daughter to his care, and thanking him for his advancing her first to be a marchioness, then to be a queen, and now, when he could raise her no higher upon earth, for sending her to be a saint in heaven. The day she died the lieutenant of the Tower wrote to Cromwell, that it was not fit to publish the time of her execution, for the fewer that were present it would be the better, since he believed she would declare her innocence at the hour of her death; for that morning she had made great protestations of it when she received the sacrament, and seemed to long for death with great joy and pleasure. On being told that the executioner, who had been sent for expressly from France, was very skilful, she expressed great happiness; for she said, with laughter, she had a very short neck.

A little before noon, she was brought to the place of execution; there were present some of the chief officers and great men of the court. She was it seems prevailed on, out of regard to her daughter, to make no reflections on the cruel treatment she met with, nor to say any thing touching the grounds on which sentence was passed against her. She only desired that all would judge the best; she highly commended the king, and then took her leave of the world. She remained for some time in her private devotions, and concluded, "To Christ I commend my soul;" upon which the executioner struck off her head: and so little respect was paid to her body, that it was with brutal insolence put in a chest of elm-tree, made to send arrows into Ireland, and then buried in the chapel in the Tower. Norris then had his life promised him if he would accuse her; but this faithful and virtuous servant said he knew she was innocent, and would die a thousand times rather than defame her: he and the three others were therefore beheaded, all of them continuing to the last to vindicate her. The day after Anne's death the king married Jane Seymour, who gained more upon him than all his wives before; but she was fortunate that she did not out-live his love to her.

Pope Clement VII. was now dead, and Farnese succeeded him by the name of Paul III., who, after an unsuccessful attempt which he made to reconcile himself with the king, when that was rejected, thundered out a most terrible sentence of deposition against him. Yet now, since the two queens upon whose account the breach was made were out of the way, he thought it a fit time to attempt the recovery of the papal interest, and ordered Cassalli to let the king know that he had been driven, much against his mind, to pass sentence against him, and that now it would be easy for him to recover the favour of the apostolic see. But the king, instead of hearkening to the proposition, caused two acts to be passed, one for utterly extinguishing the pope's authority; in which it was made a praemunire for any one to acknowledge it, or to persuade others to it; and in the other, all bulls and all privileges flowing from them were declared null and void; only marriages or consecrations made by virtue of them were excepted, All who enjoyed privileges by these bulls were required to bring them into the chancery, upon which the archbishop was to make them a new grant of them, which being confirmed under the great seal was to be of full force in law.

The convocation sat at the same time, and was much employed: for the house of lords was often adjourned, because the spiritual lords were busy in the convocation. Latimer preached the Latin sermon; he was the most celebrated preacher of that time; the simplicity of his matter, and his zeal in expressing it, being preferred to more elaborate compositions. They first confirmed the sentence of the divorce of the king's marriage with queen Anne. Then the lower house made an address to the upper house complaining of sixty-seven opinions, which they found were much in the kingdom. These were either the tenets of the old Lollards, or the new Reformers, or of the Anabaptists; but many of them were only indiscreet expressions, which might have flowed from the heat and folly of some rash zealots, who had endeavoured to disgrace both the received doctrines and rites. They also complained of some bishops who were wanting in their duty to suppress such abuses. This was understood as a reflection on Cranmer, Shaxton, and Latimer, the first of whom it was thought was now declining by queen Anne's fall.

But all these projects failed, for Cranmer was now fully established in the king's favour; and Cromwell was sent to them with a message from his majesty, that they should reform the rites and ceremonies of the church according to the rules set down in scripture, which he said ought to be preferred to all glosses or decrees of popes. There was one Alesse, a Scotchman, whom Cromwell entertained in his house, who being appointed to deliver his opinion, largely shewed that there was no sacrament instituted by Christ but baptism and the Lord's supper. Stokesly answered him in a long discourse upon the principles of the school-divinity; upon which Cranmer took occasion to shew the vanity of scholastic learning, and the uncertainty of tradition; and that religion had been so corrupted in the latter ages, that there was no finding out the truth but by resting on the authority of the scriptures. Fox, bishop of Hereford, seconded him, and told them that the world was now awake, and would be no longer imposed on by the niceties and dark terms of the schools; for the laity now not only read the scriptures in the vulgar tongues, but searched the original languages; therefore they must not think to govern them as they had been in the times of ignorance. Among the bishops, Cranmer, Goodrick, Shaxton, Latimer, Fox, Hilsey, and Barlow, pressed the reformation; but Lee, archbishop of York, bishops Stokesly, Tonstall, Gardiner, Longland, and several others opposed it as much. The contest would have been much sharper, had not the king sent certain articles to be considered by them, when the following mixture of truth and error was agreed upon.

  1. That the bishops and preachers ought to instruct the people according to the scripture, the three creeds, and the four first general councils.
  2. That baptism was necessary to salvation, and that children ought to be baptised for the pardon of original sin, and obtaining the Holy Ghost.
  3. That penance was necessary to salvation, and that it consisted in confession, contrition, and amendment of life, with the external works of charity, to which a lively faith ought to be joined; and that confession to a priest was necessary where it might be had.
  4. That in the eucharist, under the forms of bread and wine, the very flesh and blood of Christ was received.
  5. That justification was the remission of sins, and a perfect renovation in Christ; and that not only outward good works, but inward holiness was absolutely necessary. As for outward ceremonies, the people were to be taught, that it was meet to have images in churches, but they ought to avoid the superstition as has been usual in time past, and not to worship the image, but only God. That they were to honour the saints, but not to expect those things from them which God only gives. That they might pray to them for their intercession, but all superstitious abuses were to cease; and if the king should lessen the number of saints' days, they ought to obey him. That the use of the ceremonies was good, and that they contained many mystical significations that tended to raise the mind towards God; such were vestments in divine worship, holy water and bread, carrying of candles, and palms, creeping to the cross, and hallowing the font, with other exorcisms. That it was good to pray for departed souls, and to have masses said for them; but the scriptures having neither declared in what place they were, nor what torments they suffered, that was uncertain, and to be left to God; therefore all abuses of the pope's pardons, or saying masses in special places, or before certain images, were to be put away.

These articles were signed by Cromwell, the two archbishops, sixteen bishops, forty abbots and priors, and fifty members of the lower house. The king afterwards added a preface, declaring the pains that he and the clergy had taken for removing the differences in religion which existed in the nation, and that he approved of these articles, and required all his subjects to accept them, and he would be thereby encouraged to take further pains in similar matters for the future. On the publication of these points, the favourers of the reformation, though they did not approve of every particular, yet were well pleased to see things brought under examination; and since some were at this time changed, they did not doubt but more changes would follow. They were glad that the scriptures and ancient creeds were made the standards of the faith, without adding tradition; and that the nature of justification and the gospel-covenant was rightly stated; that the immediate worship of images and saints was condemned, and purgatory left uncertain. The necessity of auricular confession, and the corporeal presence, doing reverence to images, and praying to saints, were of hard digestion to them; yet they rejoiced to see grosser abuses removed, and a reformation once set on foot. The popish party, on the other hand, were sorry to see five sacraments passed over in silence, and the trade created by purgatory put down.

At the same time other things were in consultation, though not finished. Cranmer offered some queries to shew the imposition that had been put on the world; as that priestly absolution without contrition was of more efficacy than contrition without it; and that the people trusted wholly to outward ceremonies, in which the priests encouraged them, because of the gain they made by them. He offered a paper to the king, exhorting him to proceed to further reformation, and that nothing should be determined without clear proofs from scripture, a departure from which occasioned all the errors that had been in the church. Many things were now acknowledged to be erroneous, for denying which some not long before had suffered death. He therefore proposed several points to be discussed, as whether there were a purgatory? whether departed saints ought to be invoked, or tradition believed? whether images ought to be considered mere representations of history? and whether it was lawful for the clergy to marry? He prayed the king not to give judgment in these points till he heard them well examined; but no definitive measures respecting them were at present adopted.

Visitors were now appointed to survey all the lesser monasteries; they were to examine the state of their revenues and goods, form inventories of them, and take their seals into their keeping; they were to try how many of the religious would return to a secular course of life; and these were to be sent to the archbishop of Canterbury, or the lord chancellor for licences, an allowance being granted them for their journey; but those who intended to continue in a religious state were to be removed to some of the great monasteries. A pension was also to be assigned to the abbot, or prior, of each house during life; and they were particularly to examine what leases had been made during the last year. Ten thousand of the religious were by this means driven to seek for their livings, with forty shillings and a gown for each. Their goods and plate were estimated at 100,000l. and the rents of their houses 32,000l. but they were above ten times this value. The churches and cloisters were in most places pulled down, and the materials sold, yielding an incredible amount. These proceedings gave great discontent; and the monks were now as much pitied, as they were formerly hated. The nobility and gentry, who provided for their younger children or friends by putting them in those sanctuaries, were sensible of their loss. The people, who as they travelled over the country found abbeys to be places of reception to strangers, had cause to lament their suppression. But the superstitious, who thought their friends must now lie still in purgatory, without relief from the masses, were out of measure offended and afflicted. But to remove this discontent, Cromwell advised the king to sell those lands at very easy rates to the nobility and gentry, and to oblige them to keep up the wonted hospitality.

This would both be grateful to them, and would engage them to assist the crown in promoting the changes that had been made, since their own interests would be interwoven with that of their sovereign. And upon a clause in the act empowering the king to found anew such houses as he should think fit, there were fifteen monasteries and sixteen nunneries newly founded. These were bound to obey such rules as the king should send them, and to pay him tenths and first fruits. But all this did not pacify the people, for there was still a great outcry. The clergy studied much to inflame the nation, and urged that an heretical prince, deposed by the pope, was no more to be acknowledged; that it was a part of the papal power to depose kings, and give away their dominions; and it had often been put in practice in almost all the parts of Europe, and some who had been abettors of great sedition had been canonized for it.

There were certain injunctions given by Cromwell which increased this discontent. All churchmen were required every Sunday for a quarter of a year, and twice every quarter after that, to preach against the pope's power and to explain the six articles of the convocation. They were forbidden to extol images, relics, or pilgrimages; but to exhort to works of charity. They were also required to teach the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the ten commandments in English, and to explain these carefully, and instruct the children well in them. They were to perform the divine offices reverently, and to have good curates to supply their places when they were absent. They were charged not to go to alehouses, or sit too long at games; but to study the scriptures, and be exemplary in their lives. Those who did not reside in their parishes were to give the fortieth part of their income to the poor; and for every hundred pounds a year, they were to maintain a pupil at some grammar school, or the university. If the parsonage-house was in decay, they were ordered to apply a fifth part of their benefice for the purpose of repairing it.

The people continued quiet till they had got in their harvest; but in the beginning of October, 20,000 rose in Lincolnshire, led by a priest in the disguise of a cobler. They took an oath to be true to God, the king and the commonwealth, and sent a paper of their grievances to the king. They complained of some acts of parliament, of suppressing of many religious houses, of mean and ill counsellors, and bad bishops; and prayed the king to redress their grievances by the advice of the nobility. The king sent the duke of Suffolk to raise forces against them, and gave an answer to their petition. He said it belonged not to the rabble to direct princes what counsellors they should choose. The religious houses were suppressed by law, and the heads of them had under their hands confessed such horrid scandals, that they were a reproach to the nation; and that as they wasted their rents in riotous living, it was much better to apply them to the common good of the nation. He required them to submit to his mercy, and to deliver up two hundred of their leaders into the hands of his lieutenants.

At the same time there was a more formidable rising in Yorkshire, which being in the neighbourhood of Scotland, was likely to draw assistance from that kingdom, though their king was then gone into France to marry Francis' daughter; which inclined Henry to make more haste to settle matters in Lincolnshire. He sent them secret assurances of mercy, which wrought on the greatest part, so that they dispersed themselves, while the most obstinate went over to those in Yorkshire. The leader and some others were taken and executed. The distance of those in the North gave them time to assemble, and form themselves into some regimental order. One Ask was commander in chief, and performed his part with great dexterity: their march was called "the Pilgrimage of Grace;" they had on their banners and sleeves the five wounds of Christ; they took an oath that they would restore the church, suppress heretics, preserve the king and his issue, and drive base born men and ill counsellors from him. They became 40,000 strong in a few days, and forced the archbishop of York and the lord Darcy to swear to their covenant, and to proceed with them. They besieged Skipton, but the earl of Cumberland made it good against them. Sir Ralph Evers held out Scarborough castle, though for twenty days he and his men had no provisions but bread and water.

There was also a rising in the other northern countries, against whom the earl of Shrewsbury made head; and the king sent several of the nobility to his assistance, and within a few days the duke of Norfolk marched with some troops and joined him. They possessed themselves of Doncaster, and resolved to keep that pass till the rest of the forces which the king had ordered should arrive; for they were not in a condition to engage with such numbers of desperate men; and it was very likely that if they met with an accident, the people might have risen about them every where; the duke of Norfolk resolved, therefore, to keep close at Doncaster, and let the provision and rage of the rebels waste away, and then they might probably fall into factions and disperse. They were now reduced to 10,000, but the king's army was not above 5000. The duke of Norfolk proposed a treaty; they were persuaded to send their petitions to the king, who to make them more secure, discharged a rendezvous which he had appointed at Northampton, and sent them a general pardon, excepting six by name, and reserving four to be afterwards named; but this put them all in such apprehension, that it made them more desperate: yet the king, to give his people some content, issued injunctions requiring the clergy to continue the use of all the ceremonies of the church: meanwhile 300 were employed to carry the demands of the rebels to the king. These were, a general pardon, a parliament to be held at York, and that courts of justice should be set up there; some acts of parliament to be repealed, that the princess Mary might be restored to her right of succession, and the pope to his wonted jurisdiction; that the monasteries might be revived; that Audley and Cromwell might be removed from the king; and that some of the visitors might be imprisoned for their bribery and extortion. These proposals being rejected, the rebels took heart again, and finding that with the loss of time they lost heart, resolved to fall upon the royal troops, and drive them into Doncaster; but at two several times in which they had thought to ford the river, such rains fell as made it impassable. The king, at length, sent an answer to their demands: he assured them he would live and die in the defence of the christian faith; but the rabble ought not to prescribe to him and to the convocation in that matter. He answered that which concerned the monasteries as he had done to the men of Lincolnshire. If they had just complaints to make of any about him, he was ready to hear them; but he would not suffer them to direct him what counsellors he ought to employ: nor could they judge of the bishops who had been promoted, whom they knew not. He charged them not to believe lies, nor be governed by incendiaries, but to submit to his mercy. On the 9th of December he signed a proclamation of pardon without any restriction. As soon as the affair was over, the king went on more resolutely in his design of suppressing the monasteries; being now less apprehensive of any new commotion.

A new visitation was appointed to enquire into the conversation of the monks, to examine how they stood affected to the pope, and how they promoted the king's supremacy. It was likewise ordered to examine what impostures might be among them, either in images or relics, by which the superstition of the credulous people was excited. Some few houses of greater value were prevailed with the former year to surrender to the king. Many of the houses which had not been dissolved, though they were within the former act, were now suppressed, and many of the greater abbots were induced to surrender by several motives. Some had been faulty during the rebellion, and to prevent a storm offered a resignation. Others liked the reformation, and did it on that account; some were found guilty of great disorders in their lives, and to prevent a shameful discovery, offered their houses to the king; while others had made such wastes and dilapidations, that having taken care of themselves, they were less concerned for others. At St. Alban's the rents were let so low, that the abbot could not maintain the charge of the abbey. At Battel the whole furniture of the house and chapel was not above 1000l. in value, and the plate was not 300l. In some houses there was scarcely any plate or furniture left. Many abbots and monks were glad to accept of a pension for life, which was proportioned to the value of their house, and to their innocence. The abbots of St. Alban's and Tewkesbury had 400 marks a year: the abbot of St. Edmondsbury was more innocent and more resolute; the visitors wrote that they found no scandals in that house; he was, however, prevailed with by a pension of 500 marks to resign. The inferior governors had some 30, 20, or 10l. pensions, and the monks had generally 6l. or eight marks a piece. By these means one hundred and twenty-one of these houses were this year resigned to the king. In most cases the visitor made the monks sign a confession of their vices and disorders, of which there is only one original extant. They acknowledged in a long narrative, their former idleness, gluttony, and sensuality, for which they said the pit of hell was ready to swallow them up. Others were sensible that the manner of their former religion consisted in dumb ceremonies, by which they were blindly led, having no true knowledge of God's laws; but that they had procured exemption from their diocesans, and had subjected themselves wholly to a foreign power, which took no care to reform their abuses; and therefore since the most perfect way of life was revealed by Christ and his apostles, and that it was fit they should be governed by the king as their supreme head, they freely resigned to him. Some resigned in hopes that the king would found them anew; these favoured the reformation, and intended to convert their houses to better uses, for preaching, study, and prayer; and Latimer pressed Cromwell earnestly, that two or three houses might be reserved for such purposes in every county. But it was resolved to suppress all. The common preamble to most surrenders was, "That upon full deliberation, and of their own proper motion, for just and reasonable causes moving their consciences, they did freely give up their houses to the king." In short, they went on at such a rate, that one hundred and fifty-nine resignations were obtained before the parliament met. Some thought that these resignations could not be valid, since the incumbents had not the property, but only the trust for life. But the parliament afterwards declared them good by an ex post facto law.

Others were more roughly handled. The prior of Wooburn was suspected of a correspondence with the rebels, and of favouring the pope; he was requested to submit to the king, and prevailed on to do it, but he was not easy in it, nor fixed to it; he complained that the new preachers detracted from the honour due to the virgin and saints; he thought the religion was changed, and wondered that the judgments of God on queen Anne had not terrified others from going on to subvert the faith. When the rebellion broke out he joined in it, as did also the abbots of Whaley, Garvaux, and Sawley, and the prior of Burlington; all these were taken, attainted of treason, and executed. The abbots of Glastonbury and Reading had also sent a great quantity of their plate to the rebels; the former, to disguise it the better, had hired a man to break into the house where the plate was kept: thus he was convicted both of burglary and treason, and at his execution he confessed his crime, and begged both God and the king's pardon for it. The abbot of Reading had complied so far, that he was grown into favour with Cromwell. Many of the Carthusians were executed for denying the king's supremacy: others were suspected of favouring them, and of receiving books sent from beyond sea against the king's proceedings, and were shut up in their cells, in which most of them died. The prior was a man of extraordinary charity and good works, as the visitor reported; but he was made to resign, with this preamble, "That many of the houses had offended the king, and deserved that their lives should be taken, and their goods confiscated; and therefore to avoid that, they surrendered their houses." Great complaints were made of the visitors, as if they had used undue practices to make the abbots and monks surrender; and it was said, that they had in many places embezzled much of the plate for their own uses; and in particular, it was complained that Dr. Loudon had corrupted many nuns. The visitors, on the other hand, published many of the vile practices that they found in the houses, so that several books were printed upon this occasion. No story became so public as that of the prior of Crutched-friars in London, who was detected with a strumpet at noon-day: he fell down on his knees, and begged that they who surprised him would not discover his shame. They made him give them 30l. which he protested was all he had; and he promised them as much more: but not keeping his word, a suit followed upon it. Yet these personal blemishes did not much concern the people. They deemed it unreasonable to extinguish noble foundations for the fault of some individuals: therefore another way was taken which had a better effect.

They disclosed to the world many impostures about relics and images, to which pilgrimages had been made. At Reading they had an angel's wing, which, they said, brought over the spear's point that pierced our Saviour's side; and as many pieces of the cross were found, as when joined together would have made a large cross. The rood of Grace at Bexley, in Kent, had been much esteemed, and had attracted many pilgrims to it: it was observed to bow, and roll its eyes, and look at times well pleased or angry; which the credulous multitude imputed to a divine power: but all was now discovered to be a cheat, and it was brought up to St. Paul's cross, where the springs were openly shewed that governed its several motions. At Hales, in Gloucestershire, blood was shewed in a vial which was pretended to be the blood of Christ; and it was believed that none could see it who were in mortal sin. Those who could bestow liberal presents were of course gratified, by being led to believe that they were in a state of grace. This miracle consisted in the blood of a bird or beast, renewed every week, put in a vial very thick on one side, and thin on the other; and either side turned towards the pilgrim, as the priests were satisfied with their oblations. Several other similar impostures were discovered, which contributed much to the undeceiving of the people.

The richest shrine in England was Thomas `a Becket's at Canterbury, whose story is well known. After he had long embroiled England, and shewed that he had a spirit so turned to faction that he could not be at quiet, some servants of Henry II. killed him in the church at Canterbury. He was presently canonized, and held in greater esteem than any other saint whatever; so much more was a martyr for the papacy valued, than any who suffered for the christian religion: and his altar drew far greater oblations than those dedicated to Christ or the blessed Virgin, as appears by the accounts of two years. In the first year 3l. 2s. 6d., and in the second not a penny, was offered at Christ's altar. In the Virgin's, there was in the first year 63l. 5s. 6d., and in the second 4l. 1s. 8d.; while at the shrine of Becket, there was in the first year 832l. 12s. 3d., and in the second 964l. 6s. 3d. offered. The shrine continued to grow in veneration and riches. Lewis VII. of France came over in pilgrimage to visit it, and offered a stone esteemed the richest in Europe. This saint had not only one holy day, the 29th of December, called his martyrdom; but another for his translation, namely, the 7th of July. Besides these, every fiftieth year there was a jubilee, and an indulgence granted to all who came and visited his tomb, which was so great a number, that on these occasions there have been supposed to be assembled not less than 100,000 pilgrims.

The lane leading from the main street of the city to the cathedral gate has one side of it almost occupied with very ancient houses. These were once one entire house of accommodation called the Pilgrim's Inn. The cellars are still in their ancient state, and give us a notion of incredible quantities of wine being then kept in store for those pilgrims who could pay for it. Intemperance among them was then as common almost as superstition. Those of smaller wealth were accommodated in a suburb of the city, called to this day Wincheap--denoting the greater cheapness of the wine there than at the Pilgrim's Inn. It is hard to tell whether hatred to his seditious practices, or the love of his shrine, led king Henry to unsaint Thomas `a Becket. His shrine was broken, and the gold of it was so heavy that it filled two chests, each of which took eight men to carry it out of the church. The skull, which had been so idolized, was proved to be an imposture; for the true one was safe in his coffin: his bones had either been burnt, as it was given out at Rome; or so mixed with others, as our writers say, that it would have been a miracle indeed to have distinguished them.

When these things were known at Rome, all the eloquent pens there were employed to represent king Henry as the most sacrilegious tyrant that ever made war with Christ's vicar on earth, and his saints in heaven. He was compared to the worst of princes; to Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Nero, and Dioclesian; but the parallel with Julian the apostate was most insisted on. It was said, he copied after him in all things, while his manners were worse. The pope proceeded farther; he published all those thunders with which he had threatened him three years before. He pretended that, as God's vicar, he had power to root out, and to destroy; and had authority over all the kings in the world: and therefore, after he had enumerated all the crimes of Henry, he required him to appear within ninety days at Rome, either in person or by proxy, and all his accomplices within sixty days; and that if he and they did not appear, he declared the king to have fallen from his crown, and them from their estates. He put the kingdom under an interdict, and absolved his subjects from their oaths of allegiance: he declared him and his accomplices infamous; and put their children under incapacities. He required all the clergy to go out of England, within five days after the stated time should expire, leaving only so many as might serve for baptizing children or giving the sacrament to such as died in penitence. He charged all subjects to rise in arms against the king, and that none should assist him. He absolved all other princes from their confederacies with him, and conjured them to have no more commerce with him. He required all Christians to make war on him; and to seize on the persons and goods of all his subjects, and make slaves of them; and, in conclusion, he charged all bishops to publish the sentence with due solemnities, and ordained it to be affixed on the churches of Rome, Tournay, and Dunkirk. This was given out on the 30th of August, 1535; but it had been suspended till the suppression of monasteries, and the burning of Becket's bones; at which the pope was so exasperated, that he resolved to forbear extremities no longer. On the 17th of December this year, he therefore published the bull. By this sentence it is certain, that either the pope's infallibility must be confessed to be a vain assumption upon the world, or if any believe it, they must presume that the power of deposing princes is really lodged in that chair; for this was not a sudden fit of passion, but done ex Cathedra, with all the deliberation it could admit of. The sentence was in some particulars without a precedent; but as to the main points of deposing the king, and absolving his subjects from their obedience, there were numerous instances to be brought in the last five hundred years, to shew that this had been always asserted as the right of papacy. The pope wrote to the kings of France and Scotland, to inflame them against Henry; and had this been an age of crusades, no doubt there had been one undertaken against him; but the thunders of the Vatican had already begun to lose their force.

To counteract this violence, the king caused all the bishops, and eminent divines of England, to sign a declaration against all churchmen who pretended to the power of the sword, or to authority over kings; and that all who assumed such powers were subverters of the kingdom of Christ. Many of the bishops also signed another paper, declaring the limits of the regal and ecclesiastical power; that both had their authority from God, for several ends and different natures; and that princes were subject to the word of God, as well as bishops ought to be obedient to their laws. There was also another declaration signed by Cromwell, the two archbishops, eleven bishops, and twenty divines; asserting the distinction between the power of the keys, and that of the power of the sword: the former of which was not absolute, but limited by the scripture. Orders were declared to be a sacrament instituted by Christ, which were conferred by prayer and imposition of hands. It was also decreed that in the New Testament no mention was made of any other ranks but of deacons or ministers and of priests or bishops.

This year the English Bible was finished. The translation was first sent over to Paris to be printed, the workmen in England not being thought able to get through it. Bonner was at that time ambassador at Paris; and he obtained a licence of Francis for printing it; but upon a complaint made by the French clergy, the press was stopped, and many of the copies were seized and burnt. It was therefore brought over to England, where it was undertaken and now finished by Grafton. Cromwell procured a general warrant from the king, allowing all his subjects to read it; for which Cranmer wrote his thanks to Cromwell, saying he rejoiced to see the day of reformation risen in England, since the word of God now shone over all without a cloud. Not long after this, Cromwell gave injunctions requiring the clergy to set up Bibles in their churches, and to encourage all the people to read them. Incumbents were required to instruct and teach them the creed, the Lord's prayer, and the ten commandments, in English; and once every quarter to preach a sermon, to declare the true gospel of Christ; and to exhort the people to works of charity; and not to trust to pilgrimages, or relics, or counting their beads, which tended to superstition. Images, abused by pilgrimages made to them, were ordered to be taken away. And such as had formerly magnified images, or pilgrimages, were required openly to recant, and confess that they had been in error, which covetousness had brought into the church. All incumbents were required to keep registers for christenings and marriages; and to teach the people that it was good to omit the suffrages to the saints in the litany. Thus was a vital stab given to some of the main points of superstition; but the free use of the scriptures gave the deadliest blow of all. Yet, notwithstanding, the clergy submitted to nearly the whole change without murmuring.

This year was celebrated by the birth of prince Edward, an event which blasted the hopes of the popish party, chiefly built on the probability of the lady Mary's succeeding to the crown. Lee, Gardiner, and Stokesly, now seemed to vie with the bishops of the other party, which of them should most zealously execute the injunctions, and thereby insinuate themselves into the king's favour. Gardiner had been some years ambassador in France, but Cromwell had caused Bonner, who seemed to be the most zealous promoter of the reformation then in England, to be sent in his stead. Gardiner afterwards was sent to the emperor's court with sir Henry Knevet, and there he gave occasion to suspect that he was treating on a reconciliation with the pope's legate. But the Italian who managed it, being sent with a message to the ambassador's secretary, mistook Knevet's for Gardener's, and told his business to him. Knevet endeavoured to fathom the mystery, but could not carry it farther; for the Italian was disowned, and put in prison upon it, and Gardiner complained of it as a scheme laid to ruin him. Such were his artifices and flatteries, that he was still preserved in some degree of favour as long as the king lived. Gardiner used one topic which prevailed much with the king, that his zeal against heresy was giving the greatest advantage to his cause over all Europe; and therefore he pressed him to begin with the sacramentarists, such as denied the corporeal presence at the sacrament. Those being condemned by the German princes, he had the less reason to be afraid of embroiling his affairs by his severities against them. This meeting so well with the king's own persuasions concerning the corporeal presence, had a great effect on him; and an occasion quickly offered itself to display his zeal in that matter, and this was in the memorable instance of John Lambert.

John Lambert was born in the county of Norfolk, and educated at the university of Cambridge. Having made himself master of Greek and Latin, he translated several books from those languages into the English. On his conversion, however, by Bilney, he became disgusted at the corruptions of the church; and apprehensive of persecution, he crossed the sea and joined himself to Tindal and Frith, with whom he remained more than a year; and, from his piety and ability, was appointed chaplain and preacher to the English factory at Antwerp. But there the jealousy and persecuting spirit of Sir T. More reached him, and on the accusation of a person named Barlow, he was taken and conveyed to London. There he was brought to examination first at Lambeth, then removed to the bishop's house at Oxford, before Warham, the archbishop of Canterbury, and other adversaries, having five and forty articles brought against him, to which he drew out at considerable length written answers, with a perspicuity and strength excelled by none of his age. These answers were directed and delivered to Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, about the year of our Lord 1532, at which time Lambert was in custody in the bishop's house at Oxford, where he was deprived of the assistance of books. But, so the providence of God wrought for him, that in the following year archbishop Warham died, whereby Lambert for that time was delivered.

Cranmer succeeded to the see of Canterbury. Lambert in the mean time being delivered, partly by the death of the archbishop, partly by the coming in of queen Anne, returned unto London, and there exercised himself in teaching youth the Greek and Latin tongues. As priests in those days could not be permitted to have wives, he resigned his priesthood, and applied himself to teaching, intending shortly after to be married. But God, who disposeth all men's purposes after the good pleasure of his own will, did both intercept his marriage and also take away his freedom. Having continued his profession as teacher with great success, it happened, that in the present year, 1538, he was present at a sermon in St. Peter's church, London, preached by Dr. Taylor, a man in those days not far disagreeing from the gospel, and afterwards, in the time of king Edward, made bishop of Lincoln, of which he was again deprived in the time of queen Mary, and so ended his life among the confessors of Jesus Christ. Dr. Taylor having spoken something upon the corporeal presence which Lambert conceiving to be erroneous, he felt himself urged by duty to argue the subject with him. He, therefore, at the conclusion of the sermon, went to the doctor and began the contest. Taylor, excusing himself at the present for other business, wished him to write his mind and to come again at a more convenient season.

Lambert was contented and departed. When he had written his mind, he came again unto him. The sum of his arguments were ten, approving the truth of the cause, partly by the scriptures, by good reason, and by the doctors. These were written with great force and authority. The first reason was the following, gathered upon Christ's words, where it is said in the gospel, "This cup is the New Testament." "If," he added, "these words do not change the cup nor the wine corporeally into the New Testament, by the same reason it is not agreeable that the words spoken of the bread should turn that corporeally into the body of Christ." He then proceeded thus--

"It is not agreeable to a natural body to be in two places or more at one time: wherefore it must follow of necessity that either Christ had not a natural body or else truly, according to the common nature of a body, it cannot be present in two places at once, and much less in many, that is to say, in heaven and in earth, on the right hand of his Father, and in the sacrament." He added likewise many other positions from the writings of the doctors. Dr. Taylor, willing and desiring, as is supposed from goodness of heart, to satisfy Lambert in these matters, whom he took to council, he conferred with Dr. Barnes, who, although he otherwise favoured the gospel, and was an earnest preacher, seemed not to favour this cause; fearing, possibly, that it would breed some mischief among the people, in prejudice of the gospel which was now in a good state of forwardness. He, therefore, persuaded Taylor to submit the entire question to the superior judgment of Cranmer.

Upon these things Lambert's quarrel began, and was brought to this point, so that from a private talk it came to be a public and common matter. He was sent for by the archbishop, brought into the open court, and forced publicly to defend his cause. The archbishop had not yet favoured the doctrine of the sacrament, although afterwards he was an earnest professor of it. In that point of disputation it is said Lambert appealed from the bishops to the king's majesty.

Gardiner, ever awake to his worldly interest, and to every occasion of checking that cause which in his heart he hated, learning the particulars of the affair, went privately to the king, and with all artifice and subtlety emptied the malice of his own heart into that of the king's, empoisoning the royal ear with his pernicious counsels. He said that the world viewed him with suspicion, and began to charge him with being a favourer of heretics; and that the present affair relating to Lambert would enable him, by proceeding against him, to banish from the hearts of all those unfavourable suspicions and complaints. To this advice, the king, giving ear more willingly than prudently, sent out a general commission, commanding all the nobles and bishops of his realm to come with speed to London, to assist the king against heretics and heresies, upon which the king himself would sit in judgment. These preparations made, a day was appointed for Lambert, where a great assembly of the nobles was gathered from all parts of the country, not without much wonder and expectation in this singular case. All the seats and places round the scaffold were crowded. At length John Lambert was brought from the prison under a guard of armed men, as a lamb to fight with many lions, and placed directly opposite to the king's seat.

Then came the king himself as judge of the controversy, with his body-guard clothed all in white. On his right hand sat the bishops, and behind them the celebrated lawyers, clothed in purple, according to the manner. On the left hand sat the peers of the realm, justices, and other nobles in their order; behind whom were the gentlemen of the king's privy chamber. This manner and form of the judgment was enough of itself to abash innocence; yet the king's look, his cruel countenance, and his brows bent to severity, augmented the terror, plainly declaring a mind full of indignation unworthy such a prince, especially in such a matter, and against a subject so humble, and obedient. Being seated on his throne, he beheld Lambert with a stern countenance, and then turning himself to his counsellors, called forth Day, bishop of Chichester, and commanded him to declare to the people the cause of the present assembly and judgment.

The bishop's oration tended to this purpose: that the king in session would have all states and degrees to be admonished of his will and pleasure, that no man should conceive any sinister opinion of him, that now the authority and name of the bishop of Rome being utterly abolished, he would not extinguish all religion by giving liberty unto heretics to perturb and trouble the churches of England, whereof he was the head, without punishment. Moreover, that they should not think they were assembled at that time to make any disputation upon the heretical doctrine; but only for this purpose, that by the industry of him and other bishops, the heresies of this man here present, and of all like him, should be refuted or openly condemned in the presence of them all.

The oration being concluded, the king rose, and leaning upon a cushion of white cloth of tissue, turned himself toward Lambert with his brow bent and said, "Ho, good fellow, what is thy name?" Then the prisoner kneeling down, said, "My name is John Nicholson, although by many I am called Lambert." "What!" said the king, "have you two names? I would not trust you, having two names, although your were my brother."

Lambert replied--"O most noble prince, your bishops forced me of necessity to change my name." The king then commanded him to go into the matter, and to declare his mind and opinion, what he thought as touching the sacrament of the altar. Then Lambert proceeded, gave God thanks, who had so inclined the heart of the king, that he himself would not disdain to hear and understand the controversies of religion; since it had often happened, through the cruelty of the bishops, that many good and innocent men in many places were privily murdered without the knowledge of their sovereign. But now, as that high and eternal King of kings, in whose hands are the hearts of all princes, had inspired the king's mind, that he himself would be present to understand the causes of his subjects; especially whom God of his divine goodness had so endued with such gifts of judgment and knowledge, he did not doubt but that God would bring some great thing to pass through him to the glory of his name.

Here Henry interrupted him, and with an angry voice, said,--"I came not hither to hear mine own praises thus painted out in my presence; but briefly to go into the matter without any more circumstance." Then Lambert, abashed at the king's angry words, contrary to all men's expectations, stayed awhile, considering whither he might turn himself in these great straits and extremities. Upon which the king, with anger and vehemency, said,--"Why standest thou still? Answer as touching the sacrament of the altar,--whether dost thou say, that it is the body of Christ, or wilt deny it?" With that word the king reverently lifted his turban from his head.

Lambert said--"I answer with St. Augustine--That it is the body of Christ, after a certain manner." Then the king said--"Answer me neither out of St. Augustine, neither by the authority of any other man; but tell me plainly, whether thou sayest it is the body of Christ or no?" Then Lambert meekly replied--"I deny it to be the body of Christ." The king on this said--"Mark well, for now thou shalt be condemned even by Christ's own words: Hoc est corpus meum." He then commanded Cranmer to refute his assertion; who, first making a short preface to the hearers, began his disputation with Lambert, very modestly saying,--"Brother Lambert, let this matter be handled between us indifferently, that if I do convince this your argument to be false by the scriptures, you will willingly refuse the same; but if you shall prove it true by manifest testimonies of the scripture, I do promise willingly to embrace the same."

The argument was this, taken out of that place of the Acts of the Apostles, where Christ appeared to St. Paul by the way; disputing out of that place, that it is not disagreeable to the word of God, that the body of Christ may be in two places at once, which being in heaven, was seen of St. Paul at the same time upon earth; and if it may be in two places, why by the like reason may it not be in many places?

Thus the archbishop began to refute the second argument of Lambert, which had been written and delivered by him to Dr. Taylor the preacher: the king having already disputed against his first reason. Lambert answered to this argument,--"That the minor was not thereby proved, that Christ's body was dispersed in two places, or more, but remained rather still in one place, as touching the manner of his body. For the scripture doth not say, that Christ being upon the earth did speak unto Paul; but that suddenly a light from heaven did shine round about him, and he fell to the ground and heard a voice, saying unto him, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? I am Jesus whom thou persecutest." This place saith nothing but that Christ, sitting in heaven, might speak to Paul, and be heard upon earth: for they which were with Paul verily heard the voice, but did see no one."

The archbishop, on the contrary part, said, Paul himself doth witness, that Christ did appear unto him in the same vision. Lambert again answered, that Christ did witness in the same place, that he would again appear unto him, and deliver him out of the hands of the Gentiles: notwithstanding we read in no place that Christ did corporeally appear unto him. Thus, when they had contended about the conversion of St. Paul, and Lambert so answering for himself, that the king seemed greatly to be moved therewith, and the bishop himself to be entangled, and all the audience amazed; the bishop of Winchester, fearing lest the argument should be taken out of his mouth, or rather being filled with malice against the poor man, without the king's commandment, observing no order, before the archbishop had made an end, alleged a place out of the twelfth chapter of the Corinthians, where St. Paul saith,--"Have I not seen the Lord Jesus?" And again in the fifteenth chapter: "He appeared unto Cephas; and afterwards unto James, then to all the apostles; but last of all he appeared unto me also as one born out of due time."

To all this Lambert answered, he did not doubt but that Christ was seen, and did appear, but he denied that he was in two places, according to the manner of his body. Then Gardiner again perverting the authority of Paul, repeated the place out of the second epistle to the Corinthians, the fifth chapter,--"And if so be we have known Christ after the flesh, now henceforth know we him no more." Lambert added, that this knowledge is not to be understood according to the sense of the body, and that it so appeared sufficiently by St. Paul, which speaking of his own revelation, saith thus:--"I know one, whether in the body or out of the body, God knoweth, which was caught up into the third heaven; and I know not whether in the body or out of the body, God knoweth." Even by the testimony of St. Paul, a man shall easily gather, that in this revelation he was taken up in spirit into the heavens, and did see those things, rather than that Christ came down corporeally from heaven, to shew them unto him: especially as it was said of the angel, "As he ascended into heaven, so he shall come again." And St. Peter saith, "Whom it behoved to dwell in the heavens." Moreover appointing the measure of time, he added, "Even until that all things be restored." Here again Lambert, being taunted and insulted, could not be suffered to proceed.

When Gardiner had finished, Tonstal took his course, and after a long preface, wherein he spake much of God's omnipotency, at last he came to this point, saying, that if Christ could perform that which he spake, touching the converting his body into bread, without doubt he would speak nothing, but that he would perform. Lambert answered, That there was no place of scripture wherein Christ doth at any time say, that he would change the bread into his body: and moreover, that there is no necessity why he should so do. But this is a figurative speech, every where used in the scripture, when as the name and appellation of the thing signified is attributed unto the sign. By which figure of speech, circumcision is called the Covenant--the lamb the Passover, besides six hundred such instances. With great firmness he then said--"Now it remaineth to be marked, whether we shall judge all these after the words pronounced be straightway changed into another nature." Then began they to rage afresh against Lambert, resolving, if they could not destroy his arguments, at least to drown them with rebukes and taunts.

Next stepped forth the valiant champion Stokesley, bishop of London, who afterwards, lying at the point of death, rejoiced, that in his lifetime he had burned fifty heretics. This man, with a long protestation, promised to prove "that it was not only a miracle of divine work, but also that it did not at all contradict nature. For it is nothing dissonant from nature, the substance of like things to be often changed one into another. So that nevertheless the accidents do remain, albeit the substance itself and the matter be changed." Then he attempted to prove it by the example of water boiling so long upon the fire until all the substance evaporated. "Now," saith he, "it is the doctrine of the philosophers. that a substance cannot be changed but into substance: wherefore we affirm the substance of the water to pass into the substance of the air, notwithstanding the quality of the water, which is moistness, remaineth after the substance is changed; for the air is moist even as the water is."

At this argument the bishops greatly rejoiced, and their countenance changed, as it were assuring themselves of a certain triumph and victory by this philosophical transmutation of elements. The audience now waited in expectation of Lambert's answer, who as soon as he had obtained silence and liberty to speak, first denied the bishop's assumption, that the moisture of the water did remain after the substance was altered. "For although," saith he, "we grant, with the philosophers, the air to be naturally moist, notwithstanding it hath one proper degree of moisture, and the water another; still there is another doctrine amongst the philosophers, as a perpetual rule, that it can by no means be that the qualities and accidents in natural things should remain in their own proper nature, without their proper subject." Upon this the king and bishops raged against Lambert, so much that he was again forced to silence. Then the other bishops, every one in his order, as they were appointed, supplied their place in the disputation. There were ten in number appointed for the performing of this tragedy, for ten arguments, as before we have declared, were delivered unto Taylor the preacher. It were too tedious in this place to repeat the reasons and arguments of every bishop, having little in them worthy either the hearer or the reader.

Lambert in the mean time being encompassed with so many perplexities, vexed on the one side with checks and taunts, and pressed on the other side with the authority and threats of the personages; partly being amazed with the majesty of the place in the presence of the king, and especially being wearied with long standing, which continued no less than five hours, from twelve at noon until five at night, being reduced to despair, that he should not profit in this contest; and seeing no hope from farther argument, chose rather to hold his peace. Consequently the bishops spake what they listed without interruption, save only that Lambert would now and then allege a word or two for the defence of his cause; but for the most part, being overcome with weariness and grief, he held his peace, defending himself rather with silence than with arguments.

At last when the day was passed, and torches began to be lighted, the king desiring to break up this pretended disputation, said to Lambert, "What sayest thou now after all these great labours which thou hast taken upon thee, and all the reasons and instructions of these learned men? Art thou not yet satisfied? Wilt thou live or die? What sayest thou? Thou hast yet free choice." Lambert answered, "I yield and submit myself wholly unto the will of your majesty." "Then," said the king, "commit thyself unto the hand of God, and not unto mine." To which he piously replied--"I commend my soul unto the hands of God, but my body I wholly yield and submit unto your clemency." Then said the king, "If you do commit yourself unto my judgment, you must die, for I will not be a patron unto heretics." Then sternly addressing Cromwell, he commanded to read the sentence of condemnation against him. And we cannot but wonder to see how unfortunately it came to pass, that through the pestiferous and crafty counsel of this bishop of Winchester, Satan, who often raises up one brother to the destruction of another, here performed the condemnation of Lambert by no other ministers than reformers themselves, namely, Taylor, Barnes, Cranmer, and Cromwell, who afterwards in apparent judgment, all suffered the like for the gospel's sake.

Cromwell, at the king's command, taking the schedule of condemnation in hand, read it aloud; wherein was contained the burning of heretics, which either spake or wrote any thing, or had any books by them, repugnant or disagreeing from the papistical church and tradition touching the sacrament of the altar: also a decree that the same should be set upon the church porches, and be read four times every year in every church throughout the realm, whereby the worshipping of the bread should be the more firmly fixed in the hearts of the people. Thus was John Lambert, in this bloody session, by the king, condemned to death; whose judgment now remaineth with the Lord against that day, when both princes and subjects shall stand and appear, not to judge, but to be judged, according as they have done and deserved.

Upon the day appointed for this holy martyr of God to suffer, he was brought out of the prison at eight o'clock in the morning unto the house of the lord Cromwell, and carried into his inner chamber, where, it is reported of many, that Cromwell desired of him forgiveness for what he had done. There at the last, Lambert being admonished that the hour of his death was at hand, he was greatly comforted and cheered; and being brought out of the chamber into the hall, he saluted the gentlemen, and sat down to breakfast with them, shewing no manner of sadness or fear. When breakfast was ended, he was carried straight to the place of execution at Smithfield. The manner of his death was dreadful; for after his legs were nearly consumed and burned, and that the wretched tormentors and enemies of God had withdrawn the fire from him, then two who stood on each side with their halberds, pitched him, from side to side as far as the chain would reach; while he, lifting up such hands as he had, cried unto the people in these words:--"None but Christ, none but Christ!" He was soon after let down again from their halberds, fell into the fire, and there ended his life.

During the time he was in the archbishop's ward at Lambeth, which was a little before his disputation before the king, he wrote an excellent confession, or defence of his cause, to Henry. It commenced with a humble and modest preface, that the pride of majesty might not take offence at the advice of a subject. He declared, that he had a twofold consolation laid up for him. The one in the most high and mighty Prince of princes, God; the other, next unto God, his majesty, who should represent the office and ministry of that most high Prince in governing here upon earth. After thus proceeding in gentle words, he declared the cause which moved him to what he had done. That although he was not ignorant how odious this doctrine would be unto the people, yet notwithstanding, he knew how desirous the king was to search out the truth; he thought no time unfit to perform his duty, especially as he would not utter those things unto the multitude, lest he should occasion offence, but only unto the prince himself, unto whom he might safely declare his mind. After this preface, he confirmed his doctrine touching the sacrament by numerous testimonies of the scripture; by which he proved the body of Christ, whether it riseth, or ascendeth, or sitteth, or be conversant here, to be always in one place. Finally, in a masterly manner he gathered together all the opinions of the ancient fathers, declaring, from them, that Christ was only present in spirit, and that Hoc est corpus meum, meant only--"This signifies my body;" just as--"I am the bread--the vine--the door"--denote that these emblems were significant of himself.

The popish party greatly triumphed in his death, and endeavoured to improve it. They persuaded the king of the good effects it would have on his people, who would in this see his zeal for the faith; and they forgot not to magnify all that he had said, as if it had been uttered by an oracle, which proved him to be both "Defender of the Faith, and Supreme Head of the Church." All this wrought so much on the king, that he resolved to call a parliament, both for suppressing the monasteries and the new opinions. Thus did this haughty and infatuated monarch pull down with one hand what the other was attempting to build up; and thus did his protestant as well as papal advisers "treasure up to themselves wrath against the day of wrath," and by their pusillanimous proceedings and treacherous principles only expose their lives to the fury of one party, and their own names to the derision or execration of the other.

Fox, bishop of Hereford, died at this time: he had been much employed in Germany, and had settled a league between the king and the German princes. Henry was acknowledged the patron of this league; and in support of it, he sent over 100,000 crowns a year. There was also a religious league proposed; but upon the change that followed in the court on queen Anne's death, it fell to the ground; and what their league embraced relating to religion, was, that they should unite against the pope as their common enemy, and set up the true religion according to the gospel. But a treaty upon other points was afterwards set on foot. The king desired Melancthon to come over; and several letters passed between them; but he could not be spared from Germany. The Germans sent over some to treat with the king; the points they insisted most on were, granting the chalice to the people, and putting down private masses, which the institutions seemed to express; having the worship in a known tongue, which both common sense and the authority of St. Paul seemed to justify. The third was, the marriage of the clergy; for they being extremely sensible of the honour of their families, reckoned that it could not be secured unless the priests might marry. Concerning these things, their ambassadors gave a long and learned memorial to the king; to which an answer was made, penned by Tonstal; stating that the things they complained of were justified by the ordinary arguments. Upon Fox's death, Bonner was promoted to Hereford; and Stokesly dying soon after, he was translated to London. Cromwell imagined that he had raised a man who would be a faithful second to Cranmer in his designs of reformation, who needed help, not only to balance the opposition made him by other bishops, but to lessen the prejudices he suffered by the weakness and indiscretion of his own party, who were generally rather clogs than helps to him.

On the 28th of April a parliament was summoned, in which twenty of the abbots sat in person. On the 5th of May a motion was made, that some might be appointed to draw a bill against diversity of opinions in matters of religion; these were Cromwell, Cranmer, the bishops of Durham, Ely, Bath and Wells, Bangor, Carlisle, and Worcester. They were divided in opinion; and though the popish party were five to four, yet the authority that Cromwell and Cranmer were in, turned the balance a little; they continued, however, to meet eleven days without coming to any point. Upon that the duke of Norfolk proposed the six articles: the first was for the corporeal presence; the second for communion in one kind; the third for observing the vows of chastity; the fourth for private masses; the fifth for the celibacy of the clergy; and the sixth for auricular confession: against most of these Cranmer argued several days. It is not likely he opposed the first, because he had given his opinion in Lambert's case: but he had the words of the institution, and the constant practice of the church for twelve ages, to object to the second; and for the third, since the monks were set at liberty to live in the world, it seemed hard to restrain them from marriage; and nothing so effectually cut off their pretensions to their former houses as their being married. For the fourth, if private masses were useful, then the king had done ill to suppress so many places chiefly founded for that end; the sacrament was also by its first institution, and the practice of the primitive church, to be a communion; while all private masses were invented to cheat the world. For the fifth, it touched Cranmer to the quick, for it was believed he was married. Lee, Gardiner, and Tonstal pressed much to have it declared necessary by the law of God. Cranmer argued against this, and said it was only a good and profitable thing. The king came frequently to the house in person, and disputed about these points with all the haughtiness of a monarch, and all the conceit of a pedant: generally he was against Cranmer, but in this particular he joined with him. Tonstal drew up all the quotations brought from ancient authors for it, in a paper which he delivered to the king; this the king answered in a long letter, written with his own hand, in which he shewed that the fathers only advised confession, but did not impose it as necessary; it was therefore concluded in general that it was merely desirable and expedient. At their next meeting, two committees were appointed to draw the bill of religion; Cranmer was the chief of the one, and Lee of the other: both their draughts were carried to the king, and were in many places corrected with his own hand; in some parts he wrote whole periods anew. That which Lee drew was more agreeable to the king's opinion; it was consequently brought into the house. Cranmer argued three days against it; and when it came to the vote, the king, who greatly desired to have it passed, desired him to go out; but he excused himself, thinking he was bound in conscience to vote against it: but the others who opposed it were more compliant, and it passed without any considerable opposition in the house of commons, and was assented to by the king.

The substance of it was, that the king being sensible of the good of union, and of the mischief of discord, in point of religion, had come to the parliament in person, and opened many things of high learning there, and that with the assent of both houses he set forth these articles: That in the sacrament there was no substance of bread and wine; but only the natural body and blood of Christ. That Christ was entirely in each kind, and therefore communion in both was not necessary. That priests by the law of God ought not to marry. That vows of chastity taken after the age of twenty-one ought to be kept. That private masses were lawful and useful. That auricular confession was necessary, and ought to be retained. The several sentences denounced against opposers were also determined. Such as did speak or write against the first were to be burned without the benefit of abjuration: and it was made felony to dispute against the other five; and such as should speak against them were to be in a praemunire for the first offence, the second was made felony. Married priests who did not put away their wives were to be condemned of felony, as those who lived incontinently; the first offence was a praemunire, and the second felony. Women who offended were to be punished as the priests were. Those who contemned confession and the sacrament, and abstained from it at the accustomed times, were for the first offence in a praemunire, the second was felony. Proceedings were to be made in the forms of common law, by presentments and a jury, and all churchmen were charged to read the act in their churches once a quarter.

This act was received with great joy by all the popish party, who reckoned that now heresy would be extirpated, and the king was as much engaged against it as he was when he wrote against Luther: this made the suppression of the monasteries pass much the easier. The poor reformers were now exposed to the rage of their enemies, and had only one consolation left, namely, that they were not delivered up to the cruelty of the ecclesiastical courts, or the trials ex officio, but were to be tried by juries; yet the denying the benefit of abjuration was a severity without a precedent, and was a forcing martyrdom on them.

Upon the passing the act, the German ambassadors desired an audience of the king, and told him of the grief with which their masters would receive the news, and earnestly pressed him to stop the execution of it. The king answered that he found it necessary to have the act made for repressing the insolence of some people, but assured them it should not be put in execution except upon great provocation. When the intelligence reached the princes, they wrote to the king to the same purpose; warned him of many bishops who were about him, who in their hearts loved popery, and all the old abuses, and took this method to force the king to return back to the former yoke, hoping that if they once made him the enemy of all those they called heretics, it would be easy to bring him back to submit to that tyranny which he had shaken off. They therefore proposed a conference between some divines on both sides in order to an agreement of doctrine. But the king being only concerned upon state maxims to keep up their league in opposition to the emperor, paid no regard to their proposal.

After the act of the six articles had passed, that for suppressing the monasteries was brought in; and though there were so many abbots sitting the house, none of them protested against it. By it no monastery was suppressed, but only the resignations made or to be made were confirmed; and the king's right founded either on their surrenders, forfeitures, or attainders of treason, was declared good in law. All persons, except the founders and donors, were to have the same right to the lands belonging to these houses which they had before this act took place; and all the churches belonging to them, and formerly exempted, were put under the jurisdiction of the bishop, or of such should be appointed by the king. A question was raised whether the lands should have reverted to the donors, or been escheated to the crown. The grants being of the nature of covenants, given in consideration of the masses that were to be said for them and their families, it was urged that when the cheat of redeeming souls out of purgatory was discovered, and these houses suppressed, then the lands ought to revert to the heirs of the donors. Upon this account it was thought necessary to exclude them by a special proviso.

Another bill was brought in, empowering the king to erect new bishoprics by his letters patent; it was read three times in one day in the house of lords. The preamble set forth, that the ill lives of those who were called religious, made it necessary to change their houses to better uses, for teaching the word of God, instructing children, educating clerks, relieving old and infirm people, endowing readers for Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, mending highways, and bettering the conditions of parish priests; and for this end the king was empowered to erect new sees, and to assign what limits and divisions, and appoint them what statutes he pleased.

When parliament was prorogued, the king ordered Cranmer to put in writing all the arguments he had used against the six articles, and bring them to him. He also sent Cromwell and the duke of Norfolk to dine with him, and to assure him of the constancy of his kindness. At the table they expressed great esteem for him, and acknowledged that he had opposed the six articles with so much learning and gravity, that those who differed most from him, could not but highly value him for it, and that he needed not fear any thing from his royal master. Cromwell said the king made the difference between him and the rest of his council, that he would not so much as hearken to any complaints made against him, and drew a parallel between him and cardinal Wolsey; the one lost his friends by pride, and the other gained on his enemies by his humility and mildness: the duke of Norfolk remarked that Cromwell could speak best of the cardinal, having been his man so long. This heated Cromwell, who answered that he never liked his manners; and though Wolsey had intended, if he had been chosen pope, to have carried him to Italy, yet he was resolved not to have gone; but he knew the duke intended to have gone with him. Upon this the duke of Norfolk was greatly enraged, swore he lied, and gave him foul language. This put all the company in great disorder: they were partly reconciled, but were never hearty friends after. Cranmer, agreeably to the king's desire, put his reasons against the six articles together, and gave them to his secretary to be written out in a fair hand for him; but crossing the Thames with the book in his bosom, the secretary met with such an adventure on the water as might at another time have sent the author to the fire. There was a bear baited near the river, which breaking loose, ran into it, and happened to overturn the boat in which Cranmer's secretary was. Being in danger of his life, he took no care of the book, which falling from him floated on the river, and was taken up by the bear-ward, and put in the hand of a priest who stood by, to see what it might contain; he presently found it was a confutation of the six articles, and told the bear-ward that the author of it would certainly be hanged. When the secretary came to ask for it, and said it was the archbishop's book, the priest, who was an obstinate papist, refused to deliver it, and reckoned that now Cranmer would be certainly ruined; but the secretary acquainting Cromwell with it, he called for him next day, and chid him severely for presuming to keep a privy counselor's book. and took it out of his hands: thus Cranmer was delivered out of this danger. Shaxton and Latimer not only resigned their bishoprics, but being presented for some words spoken against the six articles, they were imprisoned, and remained so till a recantation discharged the one, and the king's death set the other at liberty. There were about 500 others presented on the same account; but on the intercessions of Cranmer, Cromwell, and others, they were set at liberty, and a stop was put to the further execution of the act till Cromwell fell.

The bishops of the popish party still hoping to gain the ascendancy, used strange methods to insinuate themselves into the king's confidence; they took out commissions, by which they acknowledged that all jurisdiction, civil and ecclesiastical, flowed from the king, and that they exercised it only at his courtesy; and as they received it from his bounty, so they would be ready to deliver it up when he should be pleased to call for it; and therefore the king did empower them in his stead to ordain, and do all the other parts of the episcopal function, which was to last during his pleasure; and a mighty charge was given them to ordain none but persons of great integrity, good life, and well learned; for since the corruption of religion flowed from ill pastors, so the reformation of it was to be expected chiefly from good pastors. Thus they became indeed the king's bishops. In this Bonner set an example to the rest. It does not appear that Cranmer took out any such commission all this reign.

Now came on the total dissolution of the abbeys: fifty-seven surrenders were made this year; of these thirty-seven were monasteries, twenty nunneries, and twelve parliamentary abbeys. The valued rents of the lands, as they were then let, was 132,607l. 6s. 4d, but they were worth above ten times the sum in true value. Henry had now the greatest advantage that ever king of England possessed, both for enriching the crown, and establishing royal foundations. But such was his easiness to his courtiers, and his lavishness, that these vast treasures melted away in a few years, without his accomplishing any pious and useful designs. Out of eighteen bishoprics which he intended to found, he made only six; other great projects also became abortive. In particular one that was designed by Sir Nicholas Bacon, which was a seminary for statesmen: he proposed erecting a house for persons of quality, or of extraordinary endowments, for the study of the civil law, and of the Latin and French tongues; of whom some were to be sent with every ambassador beyond sea, to be improved in the knowledge of foreign affairs, in which they should be employed according to their capacities. Others were to write the history of transactions abroad, and affairs at home. This was to supply one loss that was likely to follow the fall of abbeys, in most of which there had been kept a chronicle of the times. These were written by men more credulous than judicious, and hence they were often more particular in the recital of trifles than of important affairs; and an invincible humour of lying, when it might raise the credit of their house, ran through all their manuscripts. The only ground that Cranmer gained this year, in which so much was lost, was a liberty for all private persons to have bibles in their houses; and truly this was a great and important point in the cause of God. Gardiner opposed it vehemently, and urged that without tradition it was impossible to understand the meaning of the scriptures. One day, before the king, he challenged Cranmer to shew any difference between the scriptures and the apostles' canons. It is not known how Cranmer managed the debate, but the issue of it was that the king judged in his favour, and said he was an old experienced captain, and ought not to be troubled by fresh men and novices.

The king was at this time resolved to marry again. The emperors endeavoured by all possible means to separate him from the princes of the Smalcadic league, and in this he was greatly facilitated by the act of the six articles; for they complained much of the King's severity in those points, which were the principal parts of their doctrine, such as communion in both kinds, private masses, and the marriage of the clergy. Gardiner resolutely strove to animate the king against them; he often told him, it was below his dignity to suffer dull Germans to dictate to him; and suggested, that they who would not acknowledge the emperor's supremacy in the matters of religion, could not be hearty friends to the authority which the king wished them to acknowledge. But what other considerations could not prevail with the king, were likely to be more powerfully carried on by the match with Anne of Cleves, which was now set on foot.

There had been a treaty between her father and the duke of Lorraine, for marrying her to the duke's son; but it had gone no farther than a contract between the fathers. Hans Holbein, the celebrated painter of that age, painted a beautiful and flattering picture of her, which was sent over to Henry. It was said she possessed great charms in her person, but could speak no language but Dutch, which the king knew not: nor had she learned music. The match was at last agreed on, and in the end of December she was brought over. The king being impatient, went incognito to Rochester; but he no sooner saw her than he was struck with disappointment and chagrin. There was an appearance of roughness which did not all please him; he swore they had brought over a Flanders mare to him, and took up an incurable aversion to her. He resolved, if it were possible, to break the match; but his affairs made the friendship of the German princes very necessary to him, so that he did not think it advisable to put any affront on the dukes of Saxe and Cleve, her brother and brother-in-law. The emperor at this time made a hasty journey through France, and Francis and he had an interview. Henry tried if the contract with the duke of Lorraine's son could furnish him with a fair excuse to break the match. The king expressed the great trouble he was in, both to Cromwell and many of his other servants; but nothing could be built on that contract, which was only an agreement between the fathers, their children being under age, and it being afterwards annulled and broken by the parents. When also Cranmer and Tonstal were required to give their opinions as divines, they said, much to his disappointment--there was nothing in it to hinder the king's marrying the lady.

On the 6th of January therefore the king married her; but expressed his dislike for her so visibly that all about him took notice of it. Though he lived five months with her, his aversion to her rather increased than abated. She seemed little concerned at it, and expressed a great readiness to concur in every thing that might disengage him from a marriage so unacceptable to him. Instruments were brought over to shew that the contract between her and the prince of Lorraine was void; but some difficulty arose, because it was not declared whether the contract was in the present or the future tense.

At the next meeting of parliament the lord chancellor disclosed the matters relating to the state for which the king had called them, whereupon the vicegerent spake to them concerning religion. He told them there was nothing which the king desired so much as an entire union among all his subjects; but some incendiaries opposed it as much as he promoted it; and between rashness on the one hand, and inveterate superstition on the other, great dissensions had arisen. These were inflamed by the reproachful names of papist and heretic; and though they had now the word of God in all their hands, yet they studied rather to justify their passions out of it, than to govern their lives by it. In order to this, the king resolved to set forth an exposition of the doctrine of Christ without any corrupt mixtures, and to retain such ceremonies as might be of use: that being done, he was resolved to punish all transgressors of what party soever they might be. For this end he had appointed the two archbishops, and the bishops of London, Durham, Winchester, Rochester, Hereford, and St. David's, and eleven divines, for settling the creed of the nation; and the bishops of Bath and Wells, Ely, Sarum, Chichester, Worcester, and Landaff, for the appointment of ceremonies. These committees sat as often as the affairs of parliament did not interfere with their proceedings.

A bill was at this time brought in for suppressing the knights of St. John of Jerusalem. There was at first only a hospital for entertaining pilgrims that went to visit the holy grave; after which there was instituted an order of knights.and they and the Knight Templars conducted and guarded the pilgrims. It was considered for some ages one of the highest expressions of devotion to Christ, to go and visit the places where he was crucified, buried, and ascended to heaven; and it was looked on as highly meritorious to fight for recovering the Holy Land out of the hands of infidels; so that almost every one who thought he was dying, either vowed to go to the holy war, or left something to such as should go. If they recovered, they bought off their vow by giving some lands for the entertainment of those knights. Great complaints arose against the Templars; but whether it was their wealth that made them a desirable prey, or their guilt that drew ruin down upon them, is not certain. They were, however, condemned in a council, and all of them that could be found were cruelly put to death. But the other order was still continued; and being beaten out of Judea, they settled at Rhodes, from which they were some time after expelled, and are now settled at Malta. They were under a great master, who depended on the pope and the emperor. But since they could not be brought to surrender of their own accord, as others had done, it was necessary to suppress them by act of parliament. Another house which they had in Ireland was also suppressed, and pensions were reserved for the priors and knights.

On the 12th of June a sudden turn took place at court; the duke of Norfolk arrested Cromwell for high treason, and sent him prisoner to the Tower. He had many enemies. The meanness of his birth provoked the nobility to madness in being obliged to admit him one of their order, and salute the son of a blacksmith as earl of Essex. The provocation was increased when a garter was bestowed on him, and he was successively raised to be lord privy seal, lord chamberlain of England, lord vicegerent, and master of the rolls.

All the popish clergy hated him violently. They imputed the suppression of monasteries, and the injunctions that were laid on them, chiefly to his counsels; and it was thought that by his means the king and the emperor continued to be on such ill terms. Henry now understood that there was no agreement likely to be made between the emperor and Francis, and he was sure they would both court his friendship in case of war, which made him less concerned for the favour of the German prince, so that Cromwell's counsels now became unacceptable. With this a secret reason concurred. The king not only hated the queen, but had fallen in love with Catherine Howard, niece to the duke of Norfolk, which both raised his interest and depressed Cromwell, who had made the former match. The king was also too willing to cast upon him all the errors committed of late, and by making him a sacrifice he hoped to regain the affections of his people. The king had also information brought him, that Cromwell secretly encouraged those who opposed the six articles, and discouraged those who went about the execution of them.

Cromwell had not the least apprehension of his fall before the storm broke upon him. He shared the common fate of all disgraced ministers; his friends forsook him, and his enemies insulted over him: Cranmer alone adhered to him, and wrote earnestly to the king in his favour. He said he found that he had always loved the king above all things; and had served him with such fidelity and success that he believed no monarch ever had a more faithful servant: and he wished the king might find such a counsellor, who both could and would serve him as he had done. So great and generous a soul had Cranmer, that he was not moved by changes in his friend's fortune, and would thus venture on the displeasure of so imperious a prince rather than fail in the duties of friendship. But the king was resolved to ruin Cromwell. He had such enemies in the house of lords, that a bill of attainder was dispatched in two days, being read twice in one day. Cranmer being absent, no other would venture to speak for him. But he met with more justice in the commons, for it remained ten days there. In conclusion a new bill was drawn against him, and sent up to the lords, to which they consented, and it had the royal assent.

In it they set forth, that though the king had raised from a base state to great dignities, yet it appeared by many witnesses that he had been the most corrupt traitor ever known; that he had set many at liberty who were condemned or suspected of treason; that he had dispersed many erroneous books, contrary to a true belief of the sacrament, and had said that every man might administer it as well as a priest; that he had licensed many preachers suspected of heresy, and had ordered many to be discharged who were committed on that account, and had released all informers; that he had many heretics about him, and above a year before, he had said the preaching of Barnes and others was good; that he would not turn though the king did, but if the king turned he would fight in person against him, and, drawing out his dagger, he wished that might pierce him to the heart if he should not do it. For these things he was attainted both of high treason and heresy. A proviso was added for securing the church of Wells, of which he had been dean.

The king now proceeded on his divorce. An address was moved and passed by the lords, that he would suffer his marriage to be examined. Cranmer and others were accordingly sent down to desire the concurrence of the commons; and they ordered twenty of their number to accompany the lords, who went in a body to the king. He granted their desire, the matter being concerted before. A commission was then sent to the convocation to discuss it: Gardiner opened it to them; and they appointed a committee for the examination of witnesses. The substance of the whole evidence amounted to these particulars: that the matter of the pre-contract with the prince of Lorraine was not fully cleared--and it did not appear that it was made by the queen, or whether it was in the words of the present time or not; that the king had married her against his will, and had not given an inward and complete consent; and that he had never consummated the marriage, so that they saw he could have no issue by the queen. Upon these grounds the whole convocation, with one consent, annulled the marriage, and declared both parties free. This was the grossest piece of hypocrisy that the king ever received from his clergy in his whole reign.

In the process for the king's first divorce, they had laid it down as a principle that a marriage was complete, though it were never consummated. But the king was resolved to be rid of the queen, and the clergy were resolved not to offend him. The judgment of the convocation was reported to the house of lords and commons, and both houses were satisfied with it. Next day some lords were sent to the queen, who had retired to Richmond. They told her the king was resolved to declare her his adopted sister, and to settle 4000l. a year on her, if she would consent to it, which she cheerfully embraced; and it being left to her choice either to live in England or to return to her brother, she preferred the former. They persuaded her also to write to her brother, that all this matter was done with her good will, that the king used her as a father, and that therefore her brother and his German allies should not take it ill at his hands. When things were thus prepared, the act confirming the judgment of the convocation passed without opposition. An act passed mitigating one clause in the six articles, by which the pain of death for the marriage or incontinence of the clergy was changed into a forfeiture of their goods and benefices. Another act passed, that no pretence of a pre-contract should be made use of to annul a marriage duly solemnized and consummated; and that no degree of kindred, but those enumerated in the law of Moses, might hinder a marriage. This last was added, to enable the king to marry Catherine Howard, who was cousin-german to Anne Boleyn, which was one of the degrees prohibited by the canon law. Several bills of attainder were passed; and in conclusion, the king sent a general pardon, out of which Cromwell and others were excepted. After this the parliament was dissolved.

Cromwell was executed on the 28th of July. He thanked God for bringing him to die in that manner, which was just on the account of his sins against God, and his offences against his prince. He declared that he doubted of no article of the catholic faith, nor of any sacrament of the church. He said he had been seduced, but now he died in the catholic faith, and denied he had supported preachers of ill opinions. He desired all their prayers, prayed very fervently for himself, and ended his days with exemplary resignation.

He rose by the strength of his natural parts, for his education was but humble. He had the New Testament in Latin by heart. He bore his greatness with extraordinary moderation, and fell rather under the weight of popular odium than guilt. At his death he mixed none of the superstitions of the church of Rome with his devotions; it was therefore said, that he used the words "catholic faith" in its true sense, and in opposition to the novelties of that church. Yet his ambiguous mode of expressing himself made the papists declare that he died repenting his heresy. But the protestants said that he left the world in the same reformed faith in which he lived. It was believed that the king lamented his death when it was too late; and the miseries that fell on the new queen, and on the duke of Norfolk and his family, were looked upon as strokes from Heaven for their persecution of this unfortunate minister. With his fall, the progress of the reformation was checked, for Cranmer could never gain much ground after, and indeed many hoped to see him quickly sent after Cromwell; some complained of him in the house of commons, and informations were brought to the king, stating that the chief encouragement which the heretics received came from him.

The ecclesiastical committees employed by the king were now at work, and gave the finishing to a book formerly prepared, but at this time corrected and explained in many particulars. They began with the explanation of faith, which, according to the doctrine of the church of Rome, was thought an implicit believing whatever the church proposed; but the reformers made it their chief object to persuade the people to believe in Christ, and not in the church; and made great use of those places in which it was said that Christians are justified by faith only; though some explained this in such a manner, that it gave their adversaries occasion to charge them with denying the necessity of good works; but they all taught, that though they were not necessary to justification, yet they were necessary to salvation. They differed also in their notion of good works: the church of Rome taught that the honour done to God in his images, or to the saints in their shrines and relics, or to the priests, were the best sort of good works; whereas the reformers urged justice and mercy most, and charged the other with superstition. The merit of good works was too highly raised, so that many thought they purchased heaven by them. This the reformers also corrected, and taught the people to depend upon the death and intercession of Christ, as the only meritorious ground of divine acceptance.

Having therefore settled the notion of faith, they divided it into two sorts: one was a persuasion of the truth of the gospel; but the other carried with it a submission to the will of God.and both hope, love and obedience belonged to it, which was the faith professed in baptism, and so much extolled by St. Paul. It was not to be understood, as if it were an assurance of our salvation, which may be only a presumption, since all God's promises are made to us on conditions; but it was an entire receiving the whole gospel according to our baptismal vow.

And what are the conditions here implied? St. Paul clearly says, "If thou confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thine heart that God has raised him from the dead, THOU SHALT BE SAVED." Now all scripture is given by inspiration of God. It was the Spirit of Truth who thus spoke by the mouth of St. Paul. And can the Holy Spirit lie? We must believe that God hath raised up Jesus from the dead, to be "a propitiation, through faith in his blood, to all who receive him." The Lord himself saith, "He that believeth on the Son, hath everlasting life; and he that believeth not the Son shall not see life; but the wrath of God abideth on him." Again, St. Paul to the Romans observes, "Ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear; but ye have received the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry Abba, Father; the Spirit itself bearing witness with our spirits that we are the children of God." "I am the resurrection and the life," saith Christ again; "he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live; and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die:" that is, eternally. Now if all this is indeed believed, eternal glory is confirmed, since we have the promise of him whose word is truth. But, alas! how has error overwhelmed mankind! for ask all the professors of the day whether they believe? they will answer, yes; but ask them again, whether they are heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ? they will tell you that they live in hope--but dare not, cannot say they are. They will tell you it is presumptuous so to say. What! is it presumptuous to believe the word of God? "If thou believest, thou shalt be saved." Do they believe this, "that the fearful and unbelieving shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone?" Alas! these are not believers, but doubters: for "he who believeth hath set to his seal that God is true." Their "fear towards God is taught them by the precept of men," and not by the Holy Ghost; for if it were, they would sing the song of Moses and the Lamb. It can be only the "Love of God shed abroad in the heart" that can give a disposition cheerfully to perform the "works of faith and labours of love."

Oh, ye deceivers or deceived, do not any longer reject the plain glorious words of God against yourselves, nor under a feigned humility refuse to rejoice in him whom ye profess to believe. You would be thought to have the Spirit; but when we would look at your fruit, you shew us darkness, despair, and doubt, forgetting that Jesus drank the bitter cup of his Father's wrath, for you, that you, through faith, might drink the cup of joy and salvation. "The fruits of the Spirit are love, joy, peace;" and yours are the reverse. It cannot, therefore, be the work of the Spirit. Cease, cease, frail man, to pervert the ways of the Lord. Take the Bible in your hand, and compare yourself with the glorious host of saints, and see if you be like them. They, as must also all their descendants, mourned for their sins, and suffered from a wicked generation; but amidst all their mournings, they rejoiced that CHRIST was their RIGHTEOUSNESS: amidst all their sufferings, they rejoiced that they had a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens. They knew that the promises of God were yea and amen. God can be worshipped only by the faith that works by love; this love alone can lead his people to obedience; because they know that they were "called to glory and virtue." They will, therefore, be holy, because their King is holy; and when they offend, they hate themselves, because they feel that they are ungrateful to him who purchased them with his blood.

O reader! art thou a believer? Hast thou "set to thy seal that God is true?" Is thy faith founded in the evidence of the scripture, not because thy parents, thy country, thy teachers have told thee so--these are only the evidences of men; but because the Spirit of Truth hath by his written word revealed it to thee? If so, "rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of glory," for know, that although thou art here perhaps "tossed with tempests and afflicted," yet "all things are thine, and thou art Christ's, and Christ is God's." Thou shalt inherit all things, and he shall be thy GOD, and thou shalt be his SON. Doubts become not thy lips, nor despair thy heart. Sing praises then unto him who washed your robes, and made them white in the pure blood of his own spotless sacrifice. He has said enough to satisfy the most scrupulous mind--"These things have I spoken unto you that in me ye may have peace: in the world ye shall have tribulation; but be of good cheer, I have overcome the world."

Cranmer took great pains to state these matters right; and made a large collection of many places, all written with his own hand, out of the ancient and modern authors, concerning faith, justification, and the merit of good works; and concluded with this, that our justification was to be ascribed only to the merits of Christ, and that those who are justified must have charity as well as faith, but that neither of these was the meritorious cause of justification. After this was stated agreeably to his views, the commissioners made next a large and full explanation of the apostle's creed with great judgment, and many excellent practical inferences. The definition they gave of the catholic church runs thus: "It comprehends all assemblies of men in the whole world that receive the faith of Christ, who ought to hold an unity of love and brotherly agreement together, by which they become members of the catholic church." After this they explained the seven sacraments.

In discussing these things there were great debates; for, as was formerly mentioned, the method used was to open the point in hand by proposing many queries, and every one was to give in his answers with the reasons of it; and then others were appointed to make an abstract of those things, in which all either agreed or differed. The original papers relating to these points are yet preserved, which shew with what great consideration they proceeded. Baptism was explained as had been done formerly. Penance was made to consist in the absolution of the priests, which had been formerly declared only to be desirable where it could be had. In the communion, transubstantiation, private masses, and communion in one kind, were asserted: also the obligation of the Levitical law about the degrees of marriage, and the indissolubleness of that bond. They declared the divine institution of priests and deacons; and that no bishop had authority over another. They made a long dissertation against the pope's pretensions, and for justifying the king's supremacy. They said, confirmation was instituted by the apostles, and was profitable but not necessary to salvation; and they also asserted extreme unction to have been commanded by the apostle James for the health both of soul and body. Then were the ten commandments explained; the second was added to the first, but the introductory words were left out. It was declared that no religious honour was to be done unto images, and that they ought only to be reverenced for their sake whom they represented; therefore the preferring one image to another, and making pilgrimages and offerings to them, were condemned, while kneeling before them was permitted; yet the people were to be taught that this was done only to the honour of God. Invocation of saints, as intercessors, was allowed; but immediate addresses to them for the blessings that were prayed for were condemned. The strict rest from labour on the seventh day was declared to be ceremonial; but it was asserted to be essential to rest from sin and carnal pleasure, and to follow holy duties. The other commandments were explained in a very simple and practical way.

Then was the Lord's Prayer explained, and it was enjoined that the people pray in their vulgar tongues, for exciting their devotion the more. The angel's salutation to the virgin was also paraphrased. They handled free-will, and defined it to be a power by which the will, guided by reason, did without constraint discern and choose good and evil; the former by the help of God's spirit, and the latter of itself. Grace was said to be offered to all men, but was made effectual by a willing application of it; and grace and free-will did consist well together, the one being added for the help of the other. Men were justified freely by the grace of God, but that was applied by faith; and faith is the gift of God, saith the apostle; so that salvation is all of God. "Thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power." "No man can come unto me, except the Father which hath sent me draw him." In the good works thus divinely produced, both the fear of God, repentance, and amendment of life were included. All curious reasonings about predestination were condemned. Those works were necessary which were not the superstitious inventions of monks and friars; not only moral works done by the power of nature, but works of charity flowing from a pure heart and faith unfeigned. Fasting, and the other fruits of penance, were also good works, but of an inferior nature to justice and the other virtues: these were all in a sense meritorious, yet since they were wrought in men by God's spirit, all boasting was excluded. The commissioners ended with an account of prayers for souls departed, almost the same that was in the articles published before.

The reformers were dissatisfied with many things in the book, yet were they glad to find the morals of religion so well opened; for the purity of soul which that might effect would dispose people to sound opinions: many superstitious practices were also condemned, and the gospel covenant was rightly stated. One article was also asserted in it, which opened the way to a further reformation; for every national church was declared to be a complete body, with power to reform heresies, and do every thing that was necessary for preserving its own purity, or governing its members. The popish party now thought they had recovered much ground, which seemed lost formerly. They knew the reformers would never submit to all things in this book, which would alienate the king from them; but they were safe, being resolved to comply with him in every thing, without which it was dangerous to live in England, for the king's peevishness grew upon him with his age. This party now studied to engage the king in new severities against the reformers; the first instance of which fell on three preachers, Barnes, Garret, and Jerome, who had been early wrought on by the works of Luther. These were worthies in the christian cause, richly deserving the reader's knowledge and admiration.

Dr. Barnes was educated in the university of Louvain, in Brabant. On his return to England he went to Cambridge, where he was made prior of the order of Augustines, and steward of the house in which that order resided. On his entrance, the darkest ignorance pervaded the university, all things being full of rudeness and barbarity, excepting a few persons whose learning was unknown to the rest. Dr. Barnes, zealous to promote knowledge and truth, soon began to instruct the students in classic languages, and, with the assistance of Parnel, his scholar, whom he had brought from Louvain, he soon caused learning to flourish, and the university to bear a very different aspect. These foundations laid, he began to read openly the epistles of St. Paul, and teach in greater purity the doctrine of Christ. He preached and disputed with great warmth against the luxuries of the higher clergy, particularly against cardinal Wolsey, and the lamentable hypocrisy of the times. But still he remained ignorant of the great cause of these evils, namely, the idolatry and superstition of the church; and while he declaimed against the stream, he himself drank at the spring, and kept it running for others to quench their fanatical thirst. At length, happily becoming acquainted with Bilney, he was by that martyr's conversation wholly converted unto Christ.

The first reformed sermon he preached, was on the Sunday before Christmas-day, at St. Edward's church, Trinity Hall, in Cambridge. His theme was the epistle of the day, Gaudete in Domino, and he commented on the whole epistle, following the scripture and Luther's exposition. For that sermon he was immediately accused of heresy by two fellows of the King's Hall. On this the learned in Christ, of Pembroke Hall, St. John's, Peter's House, King and Queen's Colleges, Gunwell Hall, and Benet College, flocked together both in the schools and in more public places, almost daily and hourly conferring together, and many of them disputing about the course it was their duty to pursue.

The house to which they chiefly resorted was the White Horse Inn, which, in contempt, was called Germany. This house especially was chosen, because many of them of St. John's, the King's College, and the Queen's College, were able to enter at the back gate. At this time much trouble began to ensue. The adversaries of Dr. Barnes accused him in the Regent House before the vice-chancellor, whereon his articles were presented and received, he promising to make answer at the next convocation. Then Dr. Nottoris, a bitter enemy to Christ, moved Barnes to recant; but he refused, as appears in his book which he wrote to king Henry in English, confuting the judgment of cardinal Wolsey, and the residue of the popish bishops. They continued in Cambridge, one preaching against another, until within six days of Shrovetide, when suddenly a sergeant at arms was sent down, called Gibson, dwelling in St. Thomas Apostle, in London, to arrest Dr. Barnes openly in the convocation-house, to strike others with fear. It was also privily determined to search for Luther's books.

Dr. Farman, of the Queen's College, learning this, sent word of it privately to the chambers of those who were suspected, which were thirty persons; and they were conveyed away by the time that the sergeant at arms, the vice-chancellor, and the proctors were at their chamber, going directly to the place where the books lay. It was this proceeding which shewed that there were spies with the sergeant, and that night they studied together, and gave Barnes his answer, which answer he carried with him to London the next morning, being the Tuesday before Shrove Sunday. On Wednesday he arrived in London, and lay at Mr. Parnel's house. Next morning he was taken before cardinal Wolsey at Westminster, waiting there all day, and could not speak with him till night, when by reason of Dr. Gardiner, secretary to the cardinal, and of Mr. Fox, master of the wards, he spake with cardinal in his chamber of state, kneeling. "Is this," said Wolsey to them, "Dr. Barnes, who is accused of heresy?" "Yes, and please your grace," replied they; "and we trust you will find him reformable, for he is learned and wise."

"What, Mr. Doctor," said Wolsey, "had you not a sufficient scope in the scriptures to teach the people, but that my golden shoes, my poll-axes, my pillars, my cushions, my crosses, did so offend you, that you must make us ridiculum caput amongst the people, who that day laughed us to scorn? Verily it was a sermon fitter to be preached on a stage than in a pulpit; for at last you said, I wear a pair of red gloves, 'I should say bloody gloves,' quoth you, that I should not be cold in the midst of my ceremonies." To this banter Dr. Barnes answered, "I spake nothing but the truth out of the scriptures, according to my conscience, and according to the ancient doctors." And then he delivered him six sheets of paper written, to confirm and corroborate his sentiments.

The cardinal received them smiling, saying, "We perceive then that you intend to stand to your articles, and to shew your learning." To which Barnes replied, "Yea, that I do by God's grace, with your lordship's favour." The cardinal now became angry and said, "Such as you bear us little favour, and the catholic church less. I will ask you a question; whether you do think it more necessary that I should have all this royalty, because I represent the king's majesty in all the high courts of this realm, to the terror and keeping down of all rebellious traitors, all wicked and corrupt members of this commonwealth, or to be as simple as you would have us, to sell all these things, and to give them to the poor, who shortly will cast them in the dirt, and to pull away this princely dignity, which is a terror to the wicked, and to follow your counsel?"

"I think it necessary," said Barnes, "to be sold and given to the poor. All this is not becoming your calling; nor is the king's majesty maintained by your pomp and poll-axes, but by God, who saith per me reyes regnant, kings and their majesty reign and stand by me." Turning to the attendants, the cardinal then satirically said, "Lo, master doctors, he is the learned and wise man that you told me of." Then they kneeled down and said, "We desire your grace to be good unto him, for he will be reformable." The cardinal appeared softened by their words, and mildly said, "Stand you up; for your sakes and the university we will be good unto him." Turning to Barnes, he added, "How say you, master doctor, do you not know that I am legutus de latere, and that I am able to dispense in all matters concerning religion within this realm, as much as the pope himself?" Barnes meekly said, "I know it be so." The cardinal then asked, "Will you be ruled by us, and we will do all things for your honesty, and for the honesty of the university." Barnes answered, "I thank your grace for your good will; I will adhere to the holy scripture, as to God's book, according to the simple talent that God hath lent me." The cardinal ended the dialogue by saying, "Well, thou shalt have thy learning tried to the uttermost, and thou shalt have the law."

He would then have been sent to the Tower, but Gardiner and Fox standing sureties for him, he returned to Mr. Parnel's again, and devoted the whole night to writing. Next morning he came to Gardiner and Fox, and soon after he was committed to the sergeant at arms, who brought him into the chapter-house, before the bishops, and Islip, the abbot of Westminster. At this time there were five men to be examined for Luther's book and Lollardy; but after they spied Barnes they set these aside, and asked the sergeant at arms what was his errand. He said he had brought Dr. Barnes on a charge of heresy, and then presented both his articles and his accusers. Immediately after a little talk they swore him, and laid his articles to him, on which he answered as he had done the cardinal before, and offered the book of his probations unto them. They took it from him, but said they had no leisure to dispute with him at present, on account of other affairs of the king's majesty which they had to do, and therefore bade him stand aside. They then called the five men again, one by one, and after they were examined, they were all committed to the Fleet. Dr. Barnes was recalled and asked, whether he would subscribe to his articles? he subscribed willingly, when they committed him and young Parnel to the Fleet with the others. There they remained till Saturday morning, and the warden had orders that no man should speak with him.

On the Saturday he was again brought before them into the chapter-house, and there with the men remained till five at night. After long disputations, threatenings, and scornings, they called upon him to know whether he would abjure or burn. He was greatly agitated, and felt inclined rather to burn than abjure. But he was then said again to have the council of Gardiner and Fox, and they persuaded him rather to abjure than to burn, because they pleaded he might in future be silent, urging other reasons to save his life and check his heresy at the same time. Upon that, kneeling down, he consented to abjure, and the abjuration being put into his hand, he abjured as it was there written, and then he subscribed with his own hand; yet they would scarcely receive him into the bosom of the church, as they termed it. Then they put him to an oath, and charged him to execute and fulfil all that they commanded him, which he accordingly promised.

On this they commanded the warden of the Fleet to carry him and his fellows to the place whence he came, and to be kept in close prison, and in the morning to provide five fagots for Dr. Barnes and the four men; the fifth man being ordered to have a taper of five pounds weight to be provided for him, to offer to the rood of Northen in Paul's, and all these things to be ready by eight on the following morning; and that he with all that he could make with bills and glaves, and the knight-marshal with all his tipstaves that he could make, should bring them to Paul's, and conduct them home again. Accordingly, in the morning they were all ready by their appointed hour in St. Paul's church, which was crowded beyond measure. The cardinal had a scaffold made on the top of the stairs for himself, with six and thirty abbots, mitred priors, and bishops, and in his whole pomp mitred sat there enthroned, his chaplains and spiritual doctors in gowns of damask and satin, and he himself in purple. There was also a new pulpit erected on the top of the stairs for the bishop of Rochester to preach against Luther and Barnes; and great baskets full of books standing before them within the rails, which were commanded, after the great fire was made before the rood of Northen, there to be burned, and these heretics after the sermon to go thrice about the fire and to cast in their fagots.

During the sermon, Dr. Barnes and the men were commanded to kneel down and ask forgiveness of God, and the catholic church, and the cardinal's grace; after which he was commanded, at the end of the sermon, to declare that he was used more charitably than he deserved, his heresies being so horrible and detestable: once more he kneeled, desiring of the people forgiveness and to pray for him. This farce being ended, the cardinal departed under a canopy, with all his mitred men with him, till he came to the second gate of Paul's, when he took his mule, and the mitred men came back again. Then the prisoners being commanded to come down from the stage, whereon the sweepers used to stand when they swept the church, the bishops sat them down again, and commanded the knight-marshal and the warden of the Fleet, with their company, to carry them about the fire, and then were they brought to the bishops, and there kneeled down for absolution. The bishop of Rochester standing up, and declaring to the people how many days of pardon and forgiveness of sins they had for being at that sermon, and that Dr. Barnes with the others were received into the church again. This done, the warden of the Fleet and knight-marshal were commanded to take them to the Fleet again, there to remain till the lord cardinal's pleasure was known, and charged that they should have the same liberty as other prisoners, and that their friends might be admitted to them.

Dr. Barnes having remained here half a year, was delivered to be a free prisoner at the Austin friars in London. But here being watched by his enemies, they made new complaints of him to the cardinal, upon which he was removed to the Austin friars of Northampton, there to be burned; of which intention, however, he was perfectly ignorant. At length Mr. Horne, who had brought him up, and who was his particular friend, gaining intelligence of the writ which was shortly to be sent down to burn him, advised him to feign himself to be in a state of despair, and to write a letter to the cardinal and leave it on his table where he lay, with a paper to declare whither he was gone to drown himself, and to leave his clothes in the same place; and another letter to be left to the mayor of the town to search for him in the water, because he had a letter written in parchment about his neck, closed in wax for the cardinal, which should teach all men to beware of him. This scheme he accordingly put in execution, and they were seven days searching for him; but he was conveyed to London in poor man's apparel, and from thence took shipping, and went to Antwerp, where he found Luther. Here he renewed his studies, and wrote a book, which was an answer to all the bishops of the realm, entitled, Acta Romanorum Pontificum, and another with a supplication to king Henry. Immediately it was told the cardinal that he was drowned, he said, "Perit memoria ejus cum sonitu,"--a sentence which lighted upon himself shortly after, when he died wretchedly at Leicester.

Dr. Barnes now became learned in the word of God, and strong in Christ, and was in great esteem with all men whose esteem was honourable, particularly Luther, Melancthon, Pomeran, Justice Jonas, Hegendorphinus, and AEpinus; the duke of Saxony, and the king of Denmark, the last of whom, in the time of More and Stokesly, sent him with the Lubecks as ambassador to king Henry the Eighth. Sir Thomas More, who had now succeeded Wolsey as chancellor, would fain have entrapped him: but the king would not let him, and Cromwell was his great friend. Before he left, the Lubecks and he disputed with the bishops of England in defence of the truth, and he was allowed to depart again without restraint. After going to Wittenberg, to the duke of Saxony and Luther, he remained there to forward his works in print which he had begun, after which he returned again in the beginning of the reign of queen Anne, as others did, and continued a faithful preacher in London, being all her time well entertained and promoted. After that he was sent ambassador by Henry to the duke of Cleves, upon the business of the marriage between the lady Anne of Cleves and the king. He gave great satisfaction in every duty which was entrusted to him, till Gardiner arrived from France, after which neither religion, the queen's majesty, Cromwell, nor the preachers prospered.

Not long after this, Dr. Barnes, with his brethren, were apprehended and carried before the king at Hampton Court, where he was examined. The king being desirous to bring about an agreement between him and Gardiner did, at the request of the latter, grant him leave to go home with the bishop to confer with him. But as it happened, they not agreeing, Gardiner and his co-partners sought by all subtle means how to entangle and entrap Barnes and his friends in furthur danger, which not long after was brought to pass. By certain complaints made to the king of them, they were enjoined to preach three sermons the following Easter at the Spittle; at which sermons, besides other reporters which were sent thither, Gardiner himself was present, sitting with the mayor, either to bear record of their recantation, or else, as the Pharisees came to Christ, to ensnare them in their talk, if they should speak any thing amiss. Barnes preached first; and at the conclusion of his sermon, requested Gardiner, if he thought he had said nothing contradictory to truth, to hold up his hand in the face of all present, upon which Gardiner immediately held up his finger. Notwithstanding this, they were all three, by the means of the reporters, sent for to Hampton Court, whence they were conducted to the Tower, where they remained till they were brought out to death.

Mr. Garret was a London curate. About the year 1526, he came to Oxford, and brought with him sundry books in Latin, treating of the Scriptures, with the first of Unio dissidentium, and Tindal's first translation of the New Testament in English, which books he sold to several scholars in Oxford. After he had disposed of them, news came from London that he was searched for through all that city, to be apprehended as a heretic, and to be imprisoned for selling heretical publications, as they were termed. It was not unknown to cardinal Wolsey, the bishop of London, and others, that Mr. Garret had a great number of those books, and that he was gone to Oxford to sell them to such as he knew to be the lovers of the gospel. Wherefore they determined to make a secret search through all Oxford, to apprehend and imprison him, and to burn all his books, and him too if they could. But happily one of the proctors, Mr. Cole of Magdalen College, being well acquainted with Mr. Garret, gave secret warning to a friend or two of his of the search, and advised that he should, as secretly as possible, depart from Oxford: for if he were taken, he would certainly be forthwith sent to the cardinal, and be committed unto the Tower.

The Christmas before that time, Anthony Dalabar, student of Alban's Hall, paid a visit to his native place, Stalbridge, in Dorsetshire, where he had a brother, a clergyman of the parish, who was very desirous to have a curate from Oxford, and wished him to get one thence if he could. This just occasion offered, and was approved among the brethren, for so they were not only called, but were indeed such one to the other, that Mr. Garret, changing his name, should be sent with letters into Dorsetshire to his brother to serve him there for a time, until he might secretly convey himself somewhere over the sea. Accordingly hereunto he wrote letters in all possible haste to his brother, in favour of Mr. Garret, to be his curate; but not declaring what he was indeed, his brother being a papist, and afterwards the most mortal enemy that ever he had for the gospel's sake.

Things being thus settled, on the Wednesday morning before Shrovetide, Mr. Garret departed for Dorsetshire, with his letters for his new service. How far he went, and by what occasion he soon returned, was not known. But the following Friday night, he came to Radley's house where he lay before,and after midnight, in the privy search which was then made for him, he was taken in bed by the two proctors, and on the Saturday morning was delivered to Dr. Cottisford, master of Lincoln college, then being commissary of the university, who kept him as prisoner in his own chamber. At this there was great joy and rejoicing among all the papists, and especially with Dr. Loudon, warden of the New College and Dr. Higdon, dean of Frideswide, who immediately sent their letters post-haste to the cardinal, to inform him of the apprehension of this notable heretic, for which they were well assured of receiving great thanks. But of all this sudden hurly-burly, Dalabar was utterly ignorant, so that he knew neither of Mr. Garret's sudden return, nor that he was taken, until he came into his chamber, being then in Gloucester college, as a man amazed; and as soon as he saw him he said he was undone, for he was taken. He spake thus unadvisedly in the presence of a young man who came with him. When the young man was departed, Dalabar asked him what he was, and what acquaintance he had with him. He said, he knew him not; but that he had been to seek a monk of his acquaintance in that college, who was not in his chamber, and thereupon desired his servant to conduct him to his brother. He then declared how he was returned and taken in the privy search.

Dalabar then said to him, "Alas! Mr. Garret, by your uncircumspect coming and speaking before this young man, you have disclosed yourself and utterly undone me." He asked him why he went not to his brother with his letters. He answered that after he was gone a day's journey and a half, he was so fearful, that his heart suggested that he must needs return to Oxford; and accordingly he came again on Friday at night, and then was taken. But now, with tears, he prayed Dalabar to help to convey him away, and then cast off his hood and gown wherein he came, and desired a coat with sleeves, saying he would if possible disguise himself, go into Wales, and thence convey himself into Germany. Dalabar then put on him a sleeved coat of his own. He would also have had another kind of cap, but there was no one to be found for him.

Then they both kneeled down together, and lifting up their hearts and hands to God their heavenly Father, desiring him so to conduct and prosper him in his journey, that he might escape the danger of all his enemies, to the glory of his holy name, if his good pleasure so were. They then embraced, and could scarcely bid adieu for sorrow; at length, disguised in his brother's garments he departed. But his escape soon became known, and immediate search was made for him about the college; not being found there, he was pursued and taken at a place called Hinksey, a little beyond Oxford, and being brought back again was committed to ward: that done he was convened before the commissary, Dr. Loudon, and Dr. Higdon, dean of Frideswide, now called Christ's College, in St. Mary's church, where they sat in judgment, convicted him according to their law as a heretic, and afterward compelled him to carry a fagot in open procession from St. Mary's church to the place whence he came. After this, flying from place to place, he escaped their tyranny, until the time that he was again apprehended with Dr. Barnes.

William Jerome was vicar of Stepney, and was convinced of the disgusting errors of the church of Rome, and the consequences that flowed from them, preaching with great zeal, and substituting the pure and simple doctrines of the gospel for the perversions and traditions of men. Thus proceeding, he soon became known to the enemies of truth, who watched him with malignant jealousy. It was not long before, in a sermon he preached at St. Paul's, on the fourth Sunday in Lent, wherein he dwelt upon justification by faith, he so offended the legal preachers of the day, that he was summoned to the presence of the king at Westminster, and there accused of heresy.

It was urged against him that he had insisted, according to St. Paul to his epistle to the Galatians--That the children of Sara, allegorically used for the children of the promise, were all born free, and, independent of baptism or of penance, were through faith made heirs of God. Dr. Wilson argued against him, and strongly opposed this doctrine. But Jerome defended it with all the force of truth, and said that although good works were the means of salvation, yet that they followed as a consequence of faith, whose fruits they were, and which discovered their root, even as good fruit proves a good tree. But in spite of this good confession, so inveterate were his enemies, and so deluded was the king, that Jerome was committed to the Tower, in company with the other two soldiers of Christ, destined with them to suffer for his faith.

Here they remained, while a process was issuing against them by the king's council in parliament, by whom, without hearing or knowledge of their fate, they were attainted of heresy, and sentenced to the flames. On the 30th of the following June they were brought from the Tower to Smithfield, where they were permitted to address the people. Dr. Barnes spoke first, as follows--"I am come hither to be burned as a heretic, and you shall hear my belief, whereby you may perceive what erroneous opinion I hold. God I take to record, I never to my knowledge taught any erroneous doctrine, but only those things which scripture led me into; neither in my sermons have I ever maintained or given occasion for any insurrection; but with all diligence evermore did I study to set forth the glory of God, the obedience to our sovereign lord the king, and the true and sincere religion of Christ: and now hearken to my faith.

"I believe in the holy and blessed Trinity, three persons and one God, who created and made all the world, and that this blessed Trinity sent down the second person, Jesus Christ, into the womb of the most blessed and pure virgin Mary. I believe that he was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and took flesh of her; and that he suffered hunger, thirst, cold, and other passions of our body, sin excepted, according to the saying of St. Peter. 'He was made in all things like to his brethren, except sin.' And I believe that this his death and passion was a sufficient ransom for sin. And I believe that through his death he overcame sin, death, and hell, and that there is none other satisfaction unto the Father, but this his death and passion only, and that no work of man does deserve any thing of God, but Christ's passion only as touching our justification, for I know the best work that ever I performed is impure and imperfect." With this, he cast abroad his hands, and desired God to forgive him his trespasses. "For although perchance," said he, "you know nothing by me, yet do I confess that my thoughts and cogitations are innumerable; wherefore I beseech thee, O Lord, not to enter into judgment with me, according to the saying of the prophet David; and in another place, Lord, if thou straitly mark our iniquities, who is able to abide thy judgment? Wherefore, I trust in no good work that ever I did, but only in the death of Christ. I do not doubt but through him to inherit the kingdom of heaven. But imagine not that I speak against good works, for they are to be done, and verily they that do them not shall never come into the kingdom of God. We must do them, because they are commanded us of God, to shew and set forth our profession, not to deserve or merit; for that is only by the death of Christ. I believe that there is a holy church, and a company of all that do profess Christ; and that all who have suffered and confessed his name are saints, and that they praise and laud God in heaven, more than I or any man's tongue can express."

Then there was one that asked his opinion upon praying to saints. "Now of saints," said he, "you shall hear my opinion. I believe they are in heaven with God, and that they are worthy of all the honour that scripture willeth them to have. But I say, throughout scripture we are not commanded to pray to any saints. Therefore I neither can nor will preach to you that saints ought to be prayed unto; for then should I preach unto you a doctrine of mine own head. Notwithstanding, whether they pray for us or no, that I refer to God. And if saints do pray for us, then I trust to pray for you within this half hour, Mr. Sheriff, and for every Christian living in the faith of Christ, and dying in the same as a saint. Wherefore, if the dead may pray for the quick, I will surely pray for you."

The Dr. then appealed more pointedly to the sheriff, and asked--"Have ye any articles against me for which I am condemned?" The sheriff answered, "No." Then said Barnes, "Is there here any man else that knoweth wherefore I die, or that by my preaching hath taken any error? Let him now speak, and I will make him answer." But no man answered. Then said he, "Well, I am condemned by the law to die, and as I understand by an act of parliament, but wherefore I cannot tell; perhaps it is for heresy, for we are likely to suffer under this charge, cruel as it is. But they that have been the occasion of it, I pray God forgive them, as I would be forgiven myself. And Dr. Stephen, bishop of Winchester, if he have sought or wrought this my death, either by word or deed, I pray God to forgive him, as heartily, as freely, as charitably, and as sincerely, as Christ forgave them that put him to death. And if any of the council, or any other, have sought or wrought it through malice or ignorance, I pray God forgive their ignorance, and illuminate their eyes, that they may see and ask mercy for it. I beseech you all to pray for the king's grace, as I have done ever since I was in prison, and do now, that God may give him prosperity, and that he may long reign among you; and after him that godly prince Edward, that he may finish those things that his father hath begun. I have been reported to be a preacher of sedition, and disobedience unto the king; but here I say to you, that you are all bound by the commandment of God to obey your prince with all humility, and with all your heart, and that not only for fear of the sword, but also for conscience sake before God."

After this admirable address, Dr. Barnes desired, if he had said any evil at any time unadvisedly, whereby he had offended any, or given any occasion of evil, that they would pardon him, and amend that evil they took of him, and to bear him witness that he detested and abhorred all evil opinions and doctrines against the word of God, and that he died in the faith of Jesus Christ, by whom he doubted not but to be saved. With these words, he entreated them all to pray for him, and then he turned about, put off his clothes, and prepared himself to suffer. Jerome and Garret made a similar profession of their faith, reciting the several articles of their belief, and declaring their minds upon every article, as the time would allow, whereby the people might understand that there was no error for which they could justly be condemned; protesting, moreover, that they denied nothing that was either in the Old or New Testament, set forth by their sovereign lord the king, whom they prayed the Lord long to continue amongst them, with his son prince Edward.

Jerome then addressed himself as follows: "I say unto you, good brethren, that Christ hath bought us all with no small price, neither with gold nor silver, or other such things of small value, but with his most precious blood. Be not unthankful therefore to him again, but do as much as to christian men belongeth to fulfil his commandments, that is, love your brethren. Love hurteth no man, love fulfilleth all things. If God hath sent thee plenty, help thy neighbour that hath need. Give him good counsel. If he lack, consider if you were in necessity, you would gladly be refreshed. And again, bear your cross with Christ. Consider what reproof, slander, and reproach, he suffered for his enemies, and how patiently he suffered all things. Consider, that all Christ did was of his mere goodness, and not for our deserving. If we could merit our own salvation, Christ would not have died for us. But for Adam's breaking of God's precepts we had been all lost, if Christ had not redeemed us again. And like as Adam broke the precepts, and was driven of Paradise, so we, if we break God's commandments, shall have damnation, if we do not repent and ask mercy. Now, therefore, let all christians put no trust nor confidence in their works, but in the blood of Christ, to whom I commit my soul to guide, beseeching you all to pray to God for me, and for my brethren here present with me, that our souls leaving these wretched bodies, may consistently depart in the true faith of Christ."

After he had concluded, Garret thus spoke: "I also detest and refuse all heresies and errors, and if either by negligence or ignorance I have taught or maintained any, I am sorry for it, and ask God's mercy. Or if I have been so vehement or rash in preaching, whereby any person hath taken any offence, error, or evil opinion, I desire him and all other persons whom I have any way offended, forgiveness. Notwithstanding, to my remembrance, I have never preached willingly any thing against God's holy word, or contrary to the true faith; but have ever endeavoured, with my little learning and wisdom, to set forth the honour of God and right obedience to his laws, and also the king's accordingly: if I could have done better, I would. Wherefore, Lord, if I have taken in hand to do that thing which I could not perfectly perform, I desire thy pardon for my bold presumption. And I pray God to give the king good and godly counsel to his glory, to the king's honour, and the increase of virtue in this realm. And thus do I yield my soul up unto Almighty God, trusting and believing that he, of his infinite mercy, according to his promise made in the blood of his Son, Jesus Christ, will take it and pardon all my sins, of which I ask him mercy, and desire you all to pray with and for me, that I may patiently suffer this pain, and die in true faith, hope, and charity." The three martyrs then took each other by the hand, and after embracing, submitted themselves to the tormentors, who, fastening them to the stake, soon lighted the fagots, and terminated their mortal life and care.

Nearly at the same time Thomas Bernard and James Merton suffered. The offence of Bernard was the teaching of the Lord's Prayer in English; that of Merton, his keeping an English translation of the epistle of St. James. They were taken up at the instigation of Longland, bishop of Lincoln, and condemned to the flames.

This summer the king went to York, to meet his nephew the king of Scotland, who promised him an interview there. The Scottish prince was an extraordinary person, a great patron both of learning and justice, but immoderately addicted to his pleasures. The clergy in Scotland were very apprehensive of his seeing his uncle, lest Henry might have persuaded him to follow his example with respect to the church; and they used such persuasions, that seconded by a message from France, they diverted the king from his purpose.

Before we proceed to record the events relative to Scotland, which took place at this period, it will be necessary to give a brief relation of the reformation in that country. The long alliance between Scotland and France had rendered the two nations extremely attached to each other; and Paris was the place where the learned of Scotland had their education. Yet after the year 1412, learning came to have more footing in Scotland, and universities were set up in several episcopal sees. At the same time some of Wickliffe's followers began to creep into the country; and an Englishman, named Resby, was burnt in 1407 for teaching opinions contrary to the pope's authority. A few years after that, Paul Craw, a Bohemian, who had been converted by the ministry of John Huss, was burnt for infusing the opinions of that martyr into some members of the bigoted college of St. Andrew. About the end of that century, the sentiments of the Lollards spread themselves into many parts of the diocese of Glasgow, for which several persons of quality were accused; but they answered the archbishop of that see with such assurance, that he dismissed them, having admonished them to content themselves with the faith of the church, and to beware of new doctrines. The same spirit of ignorance, immorality, and superstition, had overrun the church there, that was so much complained of in other parts of Europe. The total neglect of the pastoral care, and the gross scandals of the clergy, possessed the people with such prejudices against them, that they were easily disposed to hearken to new preachers, the most conspicuous of whom are now to pass before us.

Patrick Hamilton, a noble martyr, was highly descended. He was nephew, on his father's side, to the earl of Arran, and on his mother's, to the duke of Albany. He was bred up with the design of being advanced to clerical dignity, and he hoped to have an abbey given him for prosecuting his studies. He went over to Germany, and studied at the university of Marpurg, where he soon distinguished himself by his zeal, assiduity, and great progress, particularly in the scriptures, which were his grand object, and to which he made every thing else subservient. There he became acquainted with Luther and Melancthon; and being convinced, from his own researches, as well as their ministry and advice, of the truth of their doctrines, he burned to impart the light of the gospel to his own countrymen, and to shew them the errors and corruptions of their church. For this great purpose he returned to Scotland, fearless of any injury that might come upon himself, so that he might be faithful and useful to others.

After preaching some time, and holding up the truth to his deluded countrymen, he was at length invited to St. Andrews to confer upon the points in question. But his enemies could not stand the light, and finding that they were unable to defend themselves by argument, resolved upon violence and revenge. Hamilton was accordingly imprisoned. Articles were exhibited against him, and upon his refusing to abjure them, Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrews, with the archbishop of Glasgow, three bishops, and five abbots, condemned him as an obstinate heretic, delivered him to the secular power, and ordered his execution to take place that very afternoon: for the king had gone in pilgrimage to Ross, and they were afraid, lest, upon his return, Hamilton's friends might intercede effectually for him. When he was tied to the stake, he expressed great joy in his suffering, since by these he was to enter into everlasting life. A train of powder being fired, it did not kindle the fuel, but only burnt his face, which occasioned delay till more powder was brought; and in that time the friars called repeatedly to him to recant, to pray to the Virgin, and to say the Salve Regina. Among the rest, a friar named Campbell, who had been with him in prison, was very officious. Hamilton answered, that he knew he was not a heretic, and had confessed it to him in private, and charged him to answer for that at the throne of Almighty God. By this time the gunpowder was brought, and the fire being kindled, he died, often repeating these words, "Lord Jesus, receive my soul." His relentless persecutor, Campbell, soon after became deranged, and died without recovering his reason.

The views and doctrines of Hamilton were such as cannot fail to excite the highest admiration of every real believer; and they are withal expressed with such brevity, such clearness, and such peculiar vigour and beauty--forming in themselves a complete summary of the gospel--that they cannot but afford instruction to every class of readers who seek to know more of God, and of Jesus our Lord. We shall, therefore, make no apology for giving them at the following length. They were written by Hamilton himself in Latin, and translated into English by John Frith, a man worthy of such a task and such a friend.

 


--Footnote marker a--BT 4 words "the lists with Luther"

It was for his writing against Luther, in defence of papacy, that the pope bestowed upon him the title of DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, which the British monarchs have, absurdly enough, retained to this day. Nothing can be said against the kingly office being "set for the defence of the gospel;" but to call a man, whatever be his infidelity and immorality, by this name, is indeed a monstrous anomaly.
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--Footnote marker b--BT 4 words "the laws of God"

This was one of the firmest, as it was one of the first steps laid for advancing to a glorious reformation on scriptural principles; and was infinitely preferable as an argument to all the reasonings afterwards introduced, and exalted to the rank of infallible axioms, when this, alas! became slighted and forgotten. Hitherto and afterwards, it was assumed that no papal decree could err; but in a happy moment of sudden light it is here seen and confessed that edicts of the pope may run contrary to the law of God, and thus be undoubtedly wrong. Would to heaven that this principle were considered by protestant as well a popish bishops, and carried by all people into their confidence in episcopal measures.
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--Footnote marker c--BT 4 words "with an evil spirit"

In the reign of queen Mary, the works of Sir T. More were published. But the letter from which the above extract is taken, although printed among the rest, was suppressed. The reason of which seems to be, that there was a design to canonize the nun at that time, for she was considered as a martyr to the cause of queen Katharine. To justify this extravagance, there were numbers of feigned miracles concerning the nun; therefore a letter so full and clear against her was judged best to be concealed.
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--Footnote marker d--BT 4 words "thought her a prophetess"

Amidst the comparative darkness of that age, much allowance may be made for the delusion of the multitude. But in the present day it is unaccountable to see the pervading influence of superstition enveloping the minds of such numbers. We allude to the spreading of Johanna Southcotte's doctrines. But it is as the apostle hath said, "God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie." And why is it? Because their fears towards the Lord is taught by the precepts of men; they are ever learning, and never come to the knowledge of the truth; beguiling unstable souls, led away with every wind of doctrine. Not knowing "that many false prophets shall arise, which shall deceive many."

The above note was printed in the edition of 1806: had the editor of that edition lived to become the reviser of this, he might have placed Edward Irving by the side of Johanna Southcotte and Elizabeth Barton. Widely different from these women in intellect and station, his patronage of the unknown tongues had reduced him to a humiliating level with those two vulgar female impostors. Alas for human nature! To what vile uses may mind as well as body come!
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--Footnote marker e--BT 4 words "continue during his pleasure"

These were the same as those whom the ancient church called Cherepiscopi, who were at first the bishops of some villages, but were afterwards put under the jurisdiction of the bishop of the next city. They were set up before the council of Nice. and continued in the church for many ages; but the bishops devolving their whole spiritual power upon them they were put down, and a decretal epistle was forged in the name of P. Damascus, condemning them.
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--Footnote marker f--BT 4 words "our sins no more"

It is evident that the papists, who hold the doctrine of purgatory, have no correct notions of a future state, and on this primary doctrine of the New Testament are almost in as great darkness and doubt as were the pagans of antiquity, and as are many pious sufferers to this day. Their future world is in fact much worse than this, and many pious sufferers would infinitely prefer remaining here, with all the infirmities that beset them, than go hence to fall into purgatorial fires, even though but a few years duration.
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--Footnote marker g--BT 4 words "from the archbishop's jurisdiction"

This requires some explanation, as Austin, or Augustine, was himself archbishop of Canterbury, and could only concur in such a measure by his will.
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--Footnote marker h--BT 4 words "Thomas a Becket's at Canterbury"

Thomas a Becket was archbishop of Canterbury; and, seconded by the clergy, he insisted that they should be exempted from the jurisdiction of the temporal courts in criminal cases. His conduct was so galling to the king, and so marked with insolence, that his majesty said hastily, "Have I no friend to rid me of this insolent enemy?" Upon this four of his knights, esteeming it a signal for his death, instantly quitted the royal presence, and hastened to Canterbury, where finding the archbishop before the altar of the church at prayers, they slew him with their daggers. Henry found great difficulty to excuse himself to the pope, and was obligated to do penance. It was this king who, with the French monarch, performed the office of yeoman of the stirrup to pope Alexander. It is worthy of remark that one of the assassins was ancestor of a most respectable and excellent family of quakers now flourishing in this country.
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--Footnote marker i--BT 4 words "were exhibited against him"

These were the articles for which he suffered:
   1. Man hath no free-will.
   2. Man is only justified by faith in Christ.
   3. Man, so long as he liveth, is not without sin.
   4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, which believeth not that he is in grace.
   5. A good man doeth good works: good works do not make a good man.
   6. An evil man bringeth forth evil works: evil works, being faithfully repented, do not make an evil man.
   7. Faith, hope, and charity, are so linked together, that one of them cannot be without another in one man in this life.

 

 

  

Containing the Acts and Things Done in the
Reign of King Edward the Sixth.

Edward was the only son of Henry the Eighth, by his wife Jane Seymour, who died the second day after his birth. He was born on the twelfth of October 1537, and came to the throne in 1547, being but ten years old. At six years of age, he was placed under Dr. Coxe and Mr.Cheek: the one was to form his mind, and teach him philosophy and divinity; the other to teach him languages and mathematics. Masters were also appointed for the other parts of his education. He discovered very early a good disposition to religion and virtue, and a particular reverence for the scriptures. As a striking proof of the latter, he was once greatly offended with a person, who in order to reach something hastily, laid a Bible on the floor to stand upon. He made great progress in learning, and at the age of eight years wrote Latin letters frequently to the king, to queen Katherine Parr, to the archbishop of Canterbury, and his uncle the earl of Hertford. On his father's decease, the latter nobleman and Sir Anthony Brown were sent to bring him to the Tower of London: and when Henry's death was published, Edward was proclaimed king.

On his coming to the Tower, his father's will was opened, by which it was found that he had named sixteen to be the governors of the kingdom, and of his son's person till he should be eighteen years of age. These were the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord Wriothesly, lord chancellor, the lord St. John, great master, the lord Russel, lord privy seal, the earl of Hertford, lord great chamberlain, viscount Lisle, lord admiral, Tonstal bishop of Durham, Sir Anthony Brown, master of the horse, Sir William Paget, secretary of state, Sir Edward North, chancellor of the augmentations, Sir Edward Montague, lord chief justice of the common pleas, judge Bromley, Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Herbert, chief gentlemen of the privy chamber, Sir Edward Wotton, treasurer of Calais, and Dr. Wotton, dean of Canterbury and York. They were also to give the king's sisters in marriage; who, if they married without their consent, were to forfeit their right of succession: for the king was empowered by act of parliament to leave the crown to them with what limitations he should think fit to appoint. There was also a privy council named to be their assistants in the government; if any of the sixteen died, the survivors were to continue in the administration, without a power to substitute others in their room.

It was also proposed that one should be chosen out of the sixteen to whom ambassadors should address themselves, and who should have the chief direction of affairs; but should be restrained to do every thing by consent of the greater part of the other co-executors. The chancellor, who thought the precedence fell to him by his office, since the archbishop did not meddle much in secular affairs, opposed this, and said, "It is a change of the king's will; who has made us all equal in power and dignity; and if any are raised above the rest in title, it will not be possible to keep him within due bounds, since great titles make way for high power." Notwithstanding this, the earl of Hertford was declared governor of the king's person, and protector of the kingdom; with this restriction, that he should do nothing but by advice and consent of the rest. Upon this advancement and the opposition made to it, two parties were formed, the one headed by the protector, and the other by the chancellor: the favourers of the reformation were of the former, and those that opposed it of the latter. The chancellor was ordered to renew the commissions of the judges and justices of peace, and king Henry's great seal was to be made use of till a new one should be made. The day after this, all the executors took oaths to execute their trust faithfully; the privy counsellors were also brought into the king's presence, who all expressed their satisfaction in the choice of the protector: and it was ordered that all dispatches to foreign princes should be signed only by him. All that held offices were required to come and renew their commissions, and to swear allegiance to the king.

Among the rest came the bishops, and took out such commissions as were granted in the former reign, by which they became subaltern to the king's vicegerent: but there being no one now in that office, they were immediately subaltern to the king. By these commissions they were to hold their bishoprics only during the king's pleasure, and were empowered in the king's name, as his delegates, to perform all parts of the episcopal function. Cranmer set an example to the rest in taking out such a commission. This check upon the bishops was judged expedient in case they should become refractory in point of religion; but the ill-consequences of such an unlimited power being well foreseen, the bishops, who were afterwards promoted, were not so fettered, but were permitted to hold their bishoprics during life. The grant of so many ecclesiastical dignities to the earl of Hertford, was no extraordinary thing at that time, for as Cromwell had been dean of Wells, so divers other laymen were promoted to them; which was thus excused, because there was no cure of souls belonging to them; and during vacancies, even in times of popery, the king had by his own authority, by the right of the Regale, given institution to them, so that they seemed to be no spiritual employments, and the ecclesiastics that enjoyed them, were generally a lazy and sensual sort of men.

An accident soon fell out, that made way for great changes in the church. The curate and churchwardens of St. Martin's in London were brought before the council for removing the crucifix and other images, and putting some texts of Scripture on the walls of their church. They answered, that they going to repair their church, had removed the images, which being rotten, they did not renew, but put words of Scripture in their room: they had also removed others, which they found had been abused to idolatry. Great pains was taken by the popish party to punish them severely, in order to strike a terror into others; but Cranmer was for removing all images set up in churches, as expressly contrary both to the second commandment, and the practice of Christians in the earliest and purest ages: and though in compliance with the gross abuses of paganism, there was very early much of the pomp of their worship brought into the Christian church, yet it was long before any images were introduced. At first all were condemned by the fathers: then they allowed the use, but condemned the worship of them; and afterwards in the eighth and ninth centuries, the worship of them was, after a long contest both in the East and West, both approved and condemned. Finally they were however approved, and generally adopted. Some, in particular, were believed to be most wonderfully enchanted, and this was much improved by the cheats of the monks, who enriched themselves by such means. It was grown to such a height, that heathenism itself had not been guilty of greater absurdities towards its idols; and the singular virtues in some images shewed they were not worshipped only as representations, for then all should have equal degrees of veneration paid to them. Since these abuses had risen merely out of the use of them, and setting them up being contrary to the command of God, and the nature of the Christian religion, which is simple and spiritual, it seemed most reasonable to cure the disease in its root, and to clear the churches of them all, that the people might be preserved from idolatry.

These reasons prevailed so far, that the curate and wardens were dismissed with a reprimand; they were required to beware of such rashness for the future, and to provide a crucifix, and till that could be had, were ordered to cause one to be painted on the wall. Upon this, Dr. Ridley, in a sermon preached before the king, inveighed against the superstition towards images and holy water, and spread over the whole nation a general disposition to pull them down; which soon after commenced in Portsmouth. Upon this, Gardiner made great complaints, and said the Lutherans themselves went not so far, for he had seen images in their churches. He distinguished between image and idol, as if the one, which he said was only condemned, was the representation of a false God, and the other of the true; and he thought, that as words conveyed through the ear begat devotion, so images, by conveyance through the eye, might have the same effect on the mind. He also thought a virtue might be both in them and in holy water, as well as there was in Christ's garments, Peter's shadow, or Elijah's staff: and there might be a virtue in holy water as in the water of baptism. But to these arguments which Gardiner wrote in several letters, the protector answered, that the bishops had formerly argued in another strain, namely, that because the scriptures were abused by the vulgar readers, therefore they were not to be trusted to them; and so made a pretended abuse the ground of taking away, that which by God's special appointment, was to be delivered to all Christians. This held much stronger against images forbidden by God. The brazen serpent set up by Moses, by God's own directions was broken when abused to idolatry; for that was the greatest corruption of religion possible. Yet the protector acknowledged he had reason to complain of the forwardness of the people, who broke down images without authority: to prevent which, in future, orders were sent to the justices to look well to the peace and government of the nation, to meet often, and every six weeks to advertise the protector of the state of the country to which they belonged.

The funeral of the deceased king was performed with the ordinary ceremonies at Windsor. He had left six hundred pounds a year to the church of Windsor, for priests to say mass for his soul every day, and for four obiits a year, and sermons, and the distributions of alms at every one of them, and for a sermon every Sunday, and a maintenance for thirteen poor knights, which was settled upon that church by his executors in due form of law. Obiit was the anniversary of a person's death, and to observe such a day with prayers, alms, or other commemoration, was termed keeping of the obiit. The chantries mentioned in this work were little churches, chapels, or particular altars, endowed with lands, or other revenues for the maintenance of one or more priests, to sing mass daily, and to perform divine service for the souls of the founders and such others as they appointed.

The pomps of these endowments in a more inquisitive age, led people to examine the usefulness of soul-masses and obiits. Christ appointed the sacrament for a commemoration of his death among the living, but it was not easy to conceive how that was to be applied to departed souls. For all the good that they could receive, seemed only applicable to the prayers for them; but bare prayers would not have wrought so much on the people, nor would they have paid so dear for them. It was a clear project for drawing the wealth of the world into the hands of the priests. In the primitive church there was a commemoration of the death, or an honourable remembrance, made in the daily offices; and for some very small faults names were not mentioned, which would not have been done if they had looked upon that as a thing that was really a relief to them in another state. But even this custom grew into abuse, and some inferred from it, that departed souls, unless they were signally pure, passed through a purgation in the next life, before they were admitted to Heaven; of which St. Austin, in whose time the opinion began to be received, says, that it was taken up without any sure ground in scripture. But what was wanting in scripture-proof was supplied by visions, dreams, and fables, till it was generally received. King Henry had acted like one who did not believe it, for he could expect no good usage in purgatory from those innumerable souls whom he had deprived of the masses that were to be said for them in monasteries, by destroying those foundations.

Yet it seems even he intended to make sure work for himself, so that if masses could avail departed souls, he resolved to be secure; and as he gratified the priests by this part of his endowment, so he pleased the people by appointing sermons and alms to be given on such days. Thus he died as he had lived, wavering between the two persuasions: and it occasioned no small debate, when men sought to find out what his opinions were in the controverted points of religion. But now the diversions of the coronation took them off from more serious thoughts. The protector was made duke of Somerset, the earl of Essex marquis of Northampton, the lords Lisle and Wriothesley earls of Warwick and Southampton; while Seymour, Rich, Willoughby, and Sheffield, were made barons. In order to the king's coronation, the office for that ceremony was reviewed, and much shortened: one remarkable alteration was, that whereas formerly the king used to be presented to the people at the corners of the scaffold, and they were asked if they would have him to be their king, now their assent and good will were taken for granted. The former looked like a rite of an election, rather than a ceremony of investing one that was already king. This was therefore changed, and the people were desired only to give the duty of allegiance they were bound to do. On the twentieth of February, Edward was crowned, and general pardon was proclaimed, out of which the duke of Norfolk, cardinal Pole, and some others were shamefully excepted. The lord chancellor, who was looked on as the head of the popish party, now lost his place by granting a commission to the master of the rolls and three masters of chancery, of these two were civilians, to execute his office in the court of chancery as if he were present, only their decrees were to be brought to him to be signed before they could be enrolled.

The first business of consequence that required great consideration, was the Smalcaldic war, then begun between the emperor and the princes of that league; the effects of which, if the emperor prevailed, were likely to be, not only the abolition of Lutheranism, but his being the absolute master of Germany; which the emperor ambitiously sought after, in order to a universal monarchy, but disguised it to other princes. To the pope he pretended that his design was only to extirpate heresy; to other princes he pretended it was only to repress some rebels, while he denied all design of suppressing their new doctrines; which he managed so artfully, that he even divided Germany itself, and got some Lutheran princes to declare for him, and others to be neutrals. Having obtained a liberal supply for his wars with France and the Turks, for which he granted an edict for liberty of religion, he made peace with both these powers, and resolved to employ that treasure which the Germans had given him against themselves. That he might deprive them of their chief allies, he had used means to engage king Henry and Francis the First in a war; but that was now in a measure composed; for as Henry died in January, so Francis followed him into another world in March following. Many of their confederates began to capitulate; and the divided command of the duke of Saxe, and the landgrave of Hesse, lost them great advantages the former year; in which it had been easy to have driven the emperor out of Germany; but often it happened that when the one was for engaging, the other was against it; which made many very doubtful of their success.

The pope had a mind to engage the emperor in a war in Germany, that so Italy might be at quiet: and in order to that, and to embroil him with all the Lutherans, he published his treaty so that it might appear that the design of the war was to extirpate heresy; though the emperor was making great protestations to the contrary at home. He also opened the council at Trent, which the emperor had long desired in vain; but it was now brought upon him when he least wished for it; for the protestants all declared, that they could not look upon it as a free general council, since it was so entirely at the pope's command that not so much as a reformation of some of the grossest abuses that could not be justified, was like to be obtained, unless clogged with such clauses as made it ineffectual. Nor could the emperor prevail with the council not to proceed to condemn heresy: but the more he obstructed that by delays, the more did the pope drive it on to open the eyes of the Germans, and engage them vigorously against the emperor: yet he gave them such secret assurances of tolerating the Augsburgh confession, that the marquis of Brandenburgh declared for him. This event, joined with the hopes of the electorate, drew in Maurice of Saxe. The count Palatine was old and feeble; the archbishop of Cologne would not make resistance, but retired, being condemned both by pope and emperor; while many of the cities submitted. And Maurice, by falling into Saxe, forced the elector to separate from the landgrave, and return to the defence of his own dominions. This was the state of the affairs in Germany: so that it was a hard point to resolve on what answer the protector should give the duke of Saxe's chancellor, whom he sent over to obtain an aid in money for carrying on the war. It was, on the one hand, of great importance to the safety of England to preserve the German princes, and yet it was very dangerous to begin a war of such consequence, under an infant king. At present they promised, within three months, to send by the merchants 50,000 crowns to Hamburgh, and resolved to do no more till new emergencies should lead them to new councils.

The nation was in an ill condition for a war with such a mighty prince, labouring under great distractions at home: moreover the people generally cried out for a reformation, despised the clergy, and loved the new preachers. The priests were, for the most part, both very ignorant and immoral: many of them had been monks, and those who had to pay them the pensions which were reserved to them at the destruction of the monasteries, till they should be provided, took care to get them into some small benefice. The greatest part of the parsonages were impropriated, for they belonged to the monasteries, and the abbots had only granted the incumbents either the vicarage, or some small donative, and left them the perquisites raised by masses and other offices. At the suppression of those houses there was no care taken to provide the incumbents better; so that they chiefly subsisted by trentals and other devices, which brought them in some small relief, though the price of them was very low, for masses went often at half a groat, and a groat was a great bounty.

Now these persons saw that a reformation of abuses took the bread out of their mouths; therefore their interests prevailing more than any thing else, they were zealous against all changes: yet that same principle made them comply with every change which was made, rather than lose their benefices. Their poverty made them run into another abuse, that of holding more benefices than one at a time, a corruption of so crying and scandalous a nature, that wherever it is practised it is sufficient to posses the people with great prejudices against the church which is guilty of it: there being nothing more contrary to the plainest impressions of reason than that every man who undertakes a cure of souls, whom at his ordination he has vowed to instruct, feed, and govern, ought to discharge that trust himself as the greatest and most important of all others. The clergy were encouraged in their opposition to all changes, by the protection they expected from Gardiner, Bonner, and Tonstal men of great reputation and in power: above all, the lady Mary openly declared against all changes till the king should be of age. On the other hand, Cranmer resolved to proceed more vigorously: the protector was firmly united to him, as were the young king's tutors. Edward himself was as much engaged as could be expected from so young a person; for both his knowledge and zeal for true religion were above his age. Several of the bishops also declared for a reformation, but Dr. Ridley, now bishop of Rochester, was the person on whom he most depended. Latimer remained with him at Lambeth, and did great service by his sermons, which were very popular; but he would not return to his bishopric, choosing rather to serve the church in a more disengaged manner. Many of the bishops were very ignorant and poor spirited men, raised merely by court favour, and little concerned for any thing but their revenues. Cranmer resolved to proceed by degrees, and to state the reasons of every advance so fully, that he hoped, by the blessing of God, to possess the nation of the fitness of what they should do, and thereby prevent any dangerous opposition that might otherwise be apprehended.

The power of the privy council had been much exalted in Henry's time, by act of parliament; and one proviso in it was, that the king's council should have the same authority when he was under age that he himself had at full age: it was, therefore, resolved to begin with a general visitation of all England, which was divided into six precincts: and two gentlemen, a civilian, a divine, and a register, were appointed for each visit. But before they were sent out, a letter was written to all the bishops, giving them notice of it, suspending their jurisdiction while it lasted, and requiring them to preach no where but in their cathedrals; and the other clergy should not preach but in their own churches, without licence: by this it was intended to restrain such as were not acceptable to their own parishes, and to grant others the licences to preach in any church of England. The greatest difficulty the reformers found, was in the want of able and prudent men, most of whom were too hot and indiscreet; while the few who were eminent, were required in London and the universities. These they intended to make as useful as possible, and appointed them to preach as itinerants and visitors. The only thing by which the people could be universally instructed, was a book of homilies: therefore, the twelve first homilies in the book, still known by that name, were compiled, in framing which the chief design was to acquaint the people aright with the nature of the gospel-covenant. The people were taught to depend on the sufferings of Christ, and to lead their lives according to the rules of the gospel.

Orders were also given, that a Bible should be in every church, which though it had been commanded by Henry, yet had not been generally obeyed; and for understanding the New Testament, Erasmus's paraphrase was translated into English, and appointed to be set up in every church. His great reputation and learning, and his dying in the communion of the Roman church, made this book to be preferable to any other, since there lay no prejudice to Erasmus, which would have been objected to in any other author. They renewed also all the injunctions made by Cromwell in the former reign, which, after his fall, were but little looked after, as those for instructing the people, for removing images, and putting down all other customs abused to superstition; for reading the scriptures, saying the litany in English, frequent sermons and catechising, the exemplary lives of the clergy, their labours in visiting the sick, and other parts of their function, such as reconciling differences, and exhorting the people to charity. All who gave livings by simoniacal bargains, were declared to have forfeited their right of patronage to the king. A great charge was also given for the strict observation of the Lord's day, which was appointed to be spent wholly in the service of God, it not being enough to hear mass in the morning, and spend the rest of the day in drunkenness and revelling, as was commonly practised; but it ought to be all employed, either in the duties of religion, or in acts of charity. Direction was also given for the bidding of prayers, in which the king as supreme head, the queen and the king's sisters, the protector and council, and all orders of the kingdom were to be mentioned. There were also injunctions given for the bishops to preach four times a year in all their dioceses, once in their cathedral, and thrice in any other church, unless they had a good excuse to the contrary: that their chaplains should preach often: and that they should ordain none but such as were duly qualified.

These excellent rules were variously censured. The clergy were only empowered to remove the abused images, and the people were restrained from doing it; but this authority being put in their hands, it was thought they would be slow and backward in it. The corruptions of lay-patrons and simoniacal priests had been often complained of, but no laws nor provisions were ever able to preserve the church from this great mischief: which can never be removed till patrons look on their right to nominate a man to the charge of souls, as a trust for which they are to render a severe account to God; and till priests are cured of aspiring to that charge, and look on it with dread and great caution. The prayer for departed souls was now moderated, to be a prayer only for the consummation of their happiness at the last day; whereas in king Henry's time they prayed that God would grant them release from all sin, which implied a purgatory.

The visitors at length ended the visitation, and had been every where submitted to. In London, and every part of England, the images, for refusing to bow down to which many a saint had been burnt, were now committed to the flames. Bonner at first protested that he would obey the injunctions, if they were not contrary to the laws of God and the ordinances of the church: but being called before the council, he retracted that, and asked pardon; yet, for giving terror to others, he was for some time put in prison. Gardiner wrote to one of the visitors, before they came to Winchester, that he could not receive the homilies; and if he must either quit his bishopric, or sin against his conscience, he resolved to chose the former. Upon this he was called before the council, and required to receive the book of homilies: but he objected to one of them which taught that charity did not justify, contrary to the book set out by the late king and confirmed in parliament. He also complained of many things in Erasmus's paraphrase; and being pressed to declare whether he would obey the injunctions or not, he refused to promise it, and was in consequence sent to the Fleet. Cranmer treated in private with him, and they argued much about justification. Gardiner thought the sacraments justified, and that charity justified as well as faith. Cranmer urged, that nothing but the merits of Christ justified, as they were applied by faith, which could not exist without charity. Nothing could be more correct than this: for what is faith but the love of God shed abroad in the heart--filling the believer with benevolence, and the desire of imparting the happiness he feels to all around him?

Gardiner lay in prison till the act of general pardon, passed in parliament, set him at liberty. Many blamed the severity of these proceedings, as contrary both to law and equity, and said, that all people, even those who complained most of arbitrary power, were apt to usurp it when in authority. Lady Mary was so alarmed at these proceedings, that she wrote to the protector, that such changes were contrary to the honour due to her father's memory, and it was against their duty to the king to enter upon such points, and endanger the public peace before he was of age. To which he answered, that her father had died before he could finish the good things he had intended concerning religion; and had expressed his regret both before himself and many others, that he left things in so unsettled a state: moreover he assured her, that nothing should be done but what would turn to the glory of God, and the king's honour and happiness.

Parliament was opened the 4th of November, and the protector was by patent authorized to sit under the cloth of state, on the right hand of the throne; and to have all the honours and privileges that any uncle of the crown ever had. Rich was made lord chancellor. The first act that passed, five bishops only dissenting, was, "A repeal of all statutes that had made any thing treason or felony in the late reign, which was not so before, and of the six articles, and the authority given to the king's proclamations, as also of the acts against Lollards. All who denied the king's supremacy, or asserted the pope's, for the first offence are to forfeit their goods, for the second are to be in a premunire, and to be attainted of treason for the third. But if any intend to deprive the king of his estate or title, that is made treason: none are to be accused of words but within a month after they were spoken." Parliament also repealed the power that the king had of annulling all laws made, till he was twenty-four years of age, and restrained it only to annulling them for the time to come, but that it should not be of force for the declaring them null from the beginning. Another act passed, with the same dissent, for the laity receiving the sacrament in both kinds and that the people should always communicate with the priest; and by it irreverence to the sacrament was condemned under severe penalties. Christ had clearly instituted the sacrament in both kinds, and St. Paul mentions both. In the primitive church that custom was universally observed, but upon the belief of transubstantiation, the reserving and carrying about the sacrament were brought in: this made them first endeavour to persuade the world, that the cup was not necessary, for wine could neither keep, nor be carried about conveniently. It was done away by degrees, the bread was for some time given dipped in the wine, as it is yet in the Greek church: but it being believed that Christ was entire under either kind, the council of Constance entirely took the cup from the laity; while the Bohemians could not be brought to submit to the loss. The abuse being now clearly seen, the use of the cup was, in every part, one of the first things insisted on by those who demanded a reformation. At first all who were present communicated, and censures were passed on such as did it not: none were denied the sacrament but penitents, who were made to withdraw during the action. But as the devotion of the world slackened, the people were still exhorted to continue their oblations, and come to the sacrament, though they did not receive it; and were made to believe, that the priests received it in their stead. The name sacrifice given to it, as being a holy oblation, was so farpa improved, that the world came to look on the priests officiating, as a sacrifice for the dead and living: hence followed an infinite variety of masses for all the accidents of human life; and that was the chief part of the priests' trade, and occasioned many unseemly jests concerning it, which were now restrained by the act that stopped the cause.

Another act passed without any dissent, that the conge d' elire, and the election pursuant to it, being but a shadow, since the person was named by the king, should cease for the future, and that bishops should be named by the king's letters patent, and thereupon be consecrated; and should hold their courts in the king's name, and not in their own, excepting only the archbishop of Canterbury's court: and they were to use the king's seal in all their writings, except in presentations, collations, and letters of orders, in which they might use their own seals. The apostles chose bishops and pastors, by an extraordinary gift of discerning spirits, and proposed them to the approbation of the people; yet they left no rules to make that necessary in future. In times of persecution, the clergy being maintained by the oblations of the people, they were chosen by them. But when the emperors became Christian, the town-councils and eminent men took the elections out of the hands of the rabble: and the tumults in popular elections were such, that it was necessary to regulate them. In some places the clergy, and in others the bishops of the province made the choice. The emperors reserved the confirmation of the elections in the great sees to themselves. But when Charles the Great annexed vast territories and regalities to bishoprics, a change followed. Churchmen were so corrupted by this undue greatness, and came to depend on the humours of those princes to whom they owed their increase of wealth. Princes named them, and invested them in their sees: but the popes intended to separate the ecclesiastical state from all subjection to secular princes, and to make themselves the heads of that state. At first they pretended to restore the freedom of elections, but these were now engrossed in a few hands, for only the chapters chose.

Another act was made against idle vagabonds, that they should be made slaves for two years, by any who should seize on them; this was chiefly designed against some vagrant monks, as appears by the provisions of the act. These men went about the country infusing into the people a dislike of the government. The severity of this act excited in the nation, ever averse to slavery, a dislike so that it was but little attended to; and this was the reason that the other provisions for supplying those who were truly indigent, and willing to be employed, had no effect. After this followed the act for giving the king all those chantries which his father had not seized on by virtue of the grant made to him of them. Cranmer much opposed this; for the poverty of the clergy was such that the state of learning and religion was like to suffer greatly if it should not be relieved; and yet he saw no probable fund for that, but the preserving these till the king should come to age, and allow the selling them, for buying in of at least such a share of the impropriations as might afford them some more comfortable subsistence: yet notwithstanding he and seven other bishops dissented, it was passed. Last of all a general pardon, but clogged with some exceptions, was passed.

The convocation sat at the same time; and moved, that a commission begun in the late reign of thirty-two persons for reforming the ecclesiastical laws might be revived, and that the inferior clergy might be admitted to sit in the house of commons, for which they alleged a clause in the bishop's writ and ancient custom. Since some prelates had, under the former reign, begun to alter the form of the service of the church, they desired this might be brought to perfection; and that some care might be had of supplying the poor clergy, and relieving them from the taxes that lay so heavily on them. The question of the inferior clergy sitting in the house of commons, was the subject of some debate, and was again set on foot, both under queen Elizabeth and king James, but to no effect. It was, however, resolved that some bishops and divines should be sent to Windsor, to finish some reformations in the public offices; for the whole lower house of convocation, without a contradictory vote, agreed to the bill about the sacrament, while it is not known what opposition it met with in the upper house. A proposition being also set on foot concerning the lawfulness of the marriage of the clergy, thirty-five subscribed to the affirmative, and only fourteen dissented. Gardiner being included in the act of pardon was set at liberty: he promised to receive and obey the injunctions, objecting only to the homily of justification; yet he complied in that likewise; but it was visible that in his heart he abhorred all their proceedings, though he outwardly conformed.

Candlemas and Lent were now approaching, and the clergy and people were much divided with respect to the ceremonies usual at those times. By some injunctions in king Henry's reign it had been declared that fasting in Lent was only binding by a positive law. Wakes and games were also suppressed, and hints were given that other customs, which were much abused, should be shortly done away. The gross rabble loved these things, as matters of diversion, and thought divine worship without them would be but a dull business. But others looked on them as relics of heathenism, and thought they did not become the gravity and simplicity of the Christian religion. Cranmer, upon this, procured an order of council against carrying candles on Candlemas-day, ashes on Ash-Wednesday, and palms on Palm-sunday; which was directed to Bonner to be intimated to the bishops of the province of Canterbury. A proclamation followed against all who should make changes without authority. Creeping to the cross and taking holy bread and water were put down, and power was given to the archbishop of Canterbury to certify, in the king's name, what ceremonies should be afterwards laid aside; and none were to preach out of their own parishes without license from the king or the visitors, the archbishop, or the bishop of the diocese. Soon after this, when the general order followed for a removal of all images out of churches, there were every where great contests whether the images had been abused to superstition or not. Some thought the consecration of them was an abuse common to them all. Those also which represented the Trinity as a man with three faces in one head; or as an old man with a young man before him, and a dove over his head; gave so great scandal, that it was no wonder for the people as they grew more enlightened, not longer to endure them. The only occasion given to censure in this order was, that all shrines, and the plate belonging to them, were appointed to be brought into the king's use.

Eighteen bishops, and other divines, were now employed to examine the offices of the church, to see which of them needed amendment. They began with the eucharist, and proceeded in the same manner as in the former reign. Every one gave his opinion in writing, in answer to the question put to him. It was clearly found that the plain institution of the sacrament was much vitiated, with a mixture of many heathenish rites and pomps, to raise the credit of the priests, in whose hands that great performance was lodged. This was at first done to draw over the heathens by those splendid rites to Christianity; but superstition once begun had no bounds nor measures; and ignorance and barbarity increasing in the darker ages, there was no regard paid to any thing in religion, but as it was set off with pageantry; and the belief of the corporeal presence raised this to a still greater height. The office was in an unknown tongue; all the vessels and garments belonging to it were consecrated with much devotion; great part of the service was secret, to make it look like a wonderful charm; the consecration itself was to be said very softly, for words that were not to be heard agreed best with a change that was not to be seen: many gesticulations, and magnificent processions, all tended to raise this pageantry higher. Masses were also said for all the turns and affairs of human life. Trentals, a custom of having thirty masses a year on the chief festivities for redeeming souls out of purgatory, was that which brought the priests most money, for these were thought God's best days, in which access was easier to him. On saints' days it was prayed, that by their intercession the sacrifice might become the more acceptable, and procure a larger indulgence; which could not be easily explained, if the sacrifice was the death of Christ. The first step that was now made was a new office for the communion, this is, the distribution of the sacrament, for the office of consecration was not at this time touched. In the exhortation, auricular confession to a priest is left free to be done or omitted, and all are required not to judge one another in that matter. There was also a denunciation made, requiring impenitent sinners to withdraw. The bread was to be still the same as that formerly used. In the distribution it was said, "The body of our Lord preserve thy body;" and "the blood of our Lord preserve thy soul." This was printed with a proclamation, requiring all to receive it with such reverence and uniformity as might encourage the king to proceed further, and not to run to other things before the king gave direction, assuring the people of his earnest zeal to set forth godly orders; and therefore it was hoped they would wait for it: the books were sent all over England, and the clergy were appointed to give the communion next Easter according to them.

Many were offended to find confession left indifferent, so this matter was examined. Christ gave his apostles a power of binding and loosing; and St. James commanded all to confess their faults to one another. In the primitive church, all that denied the faith, or otherwise gave scandal, were separated from the communion, and not admitted to it till they made public confession: and according to the degrees of their sin, the time and degree of public penitence and their separation were proportioned: which was the chief subject of the consultations of the councils in the fourth and fifth centuries. Secret sins the people lay under no obligation to confess, but they went often to the priests for direction, even for these. Near the end of the fifth century they began to have secret penances and confessions, as well as public; and in the seventh century this became the general practice. In the eighth century the commutation of penance for money, or other services done the church, was brought in. Then the holy wars and pilgrimages came to be magnified. Crusades against heretics, or princes deposed by the pope, were set up instead of all other penances: priests managed confession and absolution, so as to enter into people's secrets, and to govern their consciences by them; but they becoming very ignorant, and not so associated as to be governed by orders that might be sent them from Rome, friars were mostly employed to hear confessions, and many reserved cases were made, in which the pope only gave absolution. Such cases were trusted to monks, who had the trade of indulgences put in their hands, which they managed with as much confidence as mountebanks used in selling their medicines, with this advantage, that the inefficiency of their devices was not so easily discovered, for the people believed all that was told them. In this they grew to such a pitch of confidence, that for saying some collects, indulgences for years, and for hundreds and thousands of years were granted; so cheap a thing was heaven made. This trade was now thrown out of the church, and private confession was declared indifferent.

Gardiner was again brought into trouble; many complaints were made of him, that he disparaged the preachers sent with the king's licence into his diocese, and that he secretly opposed all reformation. On being brought before the council, he denied most of the things objected to him, and offered to explain himself openly in a sermon before the king. This being granted, he justified many of the changes that had been made; but when he came to the sacrament, he contended so strongly for the corporeal presence, that a great disturbance took place in the church. This conduct of his being deemed seditious, he was sent to the Tower, where, however, he was treated with the greatest lenity, which he returned by sullen obstinacy and resentment. Now a more general reformation of the whole liturgy was under consideration, that all the nation might have an uniformity in the worship of God. Anciently the liturgies were short, and had few ceremonies in them: every bishop had one for his diocese; but in the African churches they began first to put them into a more regular form. Gregory the great laboured much in this; yet he left Austin the monk to his liberty, either to use the Roman or French forms in England, as he found they were like to tend most to edification. Great additions were made in every age; for the private devotions of some who were reputed saints, were added to the public offices; and mysterious significations were invented for every new rite, which was the chief study of some ages: this swelled them up to a vast bulk. It was not then thought of, that praying consisted in the inventing new words, and uttering them with warmth; and it seemed too great a subjection of the people to their priests, that they should be compelled to join with them in all their hearts in prayer. It was then resolved to make a liturgy, and to bring the worship to a fit medium between the pomp of superstition and naked simplicity. It was resolved to change nothing merely in opposition to received practices, but rather in imitation of what Christ did in the institution of the two sacraments of the gospel, which consisted of rites used among the Jews, but blessed by him to higher purposes; to comply with what had been formerly in use as much as was possible, and thereby to gain the people. The consecrations of water, salt, and other things, in the church of Rome, looked like the remainder of heathenism, and were laid aside: these had been like the spirits, which being abjured, and a divine virtue supposed to be in them, the people came to think that by such observances they might be sure of Heaven. The absolutions by which, on account of the merits of the blessed virgin and the saints, the sprinklings of water, fastings, and pilgrimages, with many other observances, sins were pardoned, as well as on the account of the passion of Christ; these and the absolution given to the dead bodies looked like gross impostures, tending to make the world think, that besides the painful way to Heaven in a course of true holiness, the priests had secrets in their hands of carrying people thither by another method, and on easier terms. This drew them to purchase their favour, especially when they were dying: so that, as their fears were then heightened, there was no other way left them, in the conclusion of an ill life, to die with any good hopes, but as they bargained with their priests: therefore all this was now rejected.

It was resolved to have the whole worship in the vulgar tongue; upon which St. Paul has copiously enlarged; and all nations, as they were converted to Christianity, had their offices translated into their own language. But of late it had been pretended, that it was part of the communion of saints, that the worship should be every where in the original tongue, though the people were hardly used, when for the sake of some vagrant priests that might come from foreign parts, they were kept from knowing what was said in the worship of God. It was pretended that Pilate having ordered the inscription of the cross in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, these three languages were sanctified; but it is not easy to understand what authority the Jewish king had for conferring such a privilege on them. But keeping all in an unknown tongue preserved in dark ages the esteem of their offices; in which there were such prayers and hymns, and such lessons, that if the people had understood them they must have given great scandal. In many prayers the pardon of sins and the grace of God were asked in such a style of the saints, as if they had been wholly at their disposal, and as if they had been more merciful than God or Christ. In former times, all who officiated were peculiarly habited, and all their garments were blessed, and these were considered as a part of the train of the priests' vestments under the mosaical law, and had early been brought into the Christian churches: it was a proper expression of innocence, and it being fit that the worship of God should be in a decent habit, it was continued. Since the sacrifices offered to idols were not thereby, according to St. Paul, of their own nature polluted, and every creature of God was good, it was thought, notwithstanding the former abuse, most reasonable to use these garments still.

The morning and evening prayers were put almost in the same form as that in which they now stand, only there was no confession nor absolution. In the office for the communion there was a commemoration of thanksgiving for the Blessed Virgin and all departed saints, and they were commended to God's mercy and peace. In the consecration the use of crossing the elements was retained; but there was no elevation of the host, which was at first used as an historical rite, to show Christ's being lifted up on the cross, and was afterwards done to excite the people to adore it. No stamp was to be on the bread, and it was to be thicker than ordinary. It was to be put in the people's mouths by the priests, though it had been anciently put in their hands. Some in the Greek church began to take it in spoons of gold, others in linen cloth, called their dominical: but after the corporeal presence was received, the people were not suffered to touch it, and the priests' hands were peculiarly anointed to qualify them for the mystic contact. In baptism the child's head and breast were crossed, and abjuration was made of the devil to depart from it: children were to be thrice dipped, or in case of weakness, water was to be sprinkled on their faces, and then they were to be anointed. The sick might also be anointed if they desired it. At funerals, the departed soul was recommended to God's mercy.

The sacraments were formerly believed of such virtue, that they conferred grace by the very receiving them; what was called the opus operatum was deemed sufficient, though both faith and repentance were absent. The ancients used to send portions of the eucharist to the sick, but without any pomp: which came in when the corporeal presence was believed. But it was now appointed that the sacraments should be ministered to the sick, and therefore, in case of weakness, children were allowed to be baptised in houses; though it was more suitable to the design of baptism, which was the admission of a new member to the church, to do it before the whole congregation. This, which was then aprovision for weakness, is now a mark of vanity, and a piece of affected state. It was also appointed, that the Lord's supper should be given to the sick; not to be sent from the church, but consecrated by their bedsides: since Christ had said, that where two or three were assembled in his name he would be in the midst of them. But it is a gross relique of the worst part of popery for any to imagine, that after an ill life, some sudden sorrow for sin, with a hasty absolution, and the sacrament, will be a passport to Heaven; since the mercies of God in Christ are offered in the gospel only to those who truly believe, sincerely repent, and change the course of their lives.

The liturgy thus compiled was published with a preface concerning ceremonies. Of course it was narrowly scanned in every part. When the book came into all men's hands several things were censured: as particularly the frequent use of the cross, and anointing. The former began to be used as the badge of a crucified Saviour: but the superstition of it was so much advanced that latria-the highest kind of worship-was given to the crosier. The using of it was also believed to have virtue for driving away evil spirits, and preserving from dangers; so that a sacramental efficacy was ascribed to it; which could not be maintained, since there is no institution for it in scripture. But the using it was made a ceremony, expressing the belief and worship of a crucified Saviour, which could import no superstition, nor involve idolatry. These several regulations were of great importance, because the protestant religion now appeared almost ruined in Germany, which made the divines of that country turn their eyes to England. Calvin wrote to the protector, and pressed him to go on to a more complete reformation; and that prayers for the dead, chrism, and extreme unction, might be laid aside. He desired him to trust in God, and advance, and wished there was more preaching, and in a more lively way than he heard was then in the land: but above all things he prayed him to suppress that impiety and profanity that, he heard, abounded in the nation.

In February 1549, an act passed granting the clergy to marry. It was declared, that it were better for priests to live unmarried, free from all worldly cares; yet, since the laws compelling it had occasioned great debauchery, they were repealed. The pretence of chastity in the Romish priests had possessed the world with a high opinion of them, and had been a great reflection on the reformers, if the world had not clearly seen through it, and been made sensible of the ill effects of it, by the defilement it brought into their own houses and families. Nor was there any point in which the reformers had studied more to remove the prejudice that lay against them. In the Old Testament the priests were not only married, but the office descended by inheritance. In the New Testament, marriage was declared honourable in all: among the qualifications of bishops and deacons, each being the husband of one wife is reckoned up. Many of the apostles were married, and carried their wives about with them, as also Aquilla did Priscilla. Forbidding to marry is reckoned a mark of the apostacy of the latter days, and called a doctrine of devils.

All the canons made against the married clergy, were only positive laws which might be repealed. The priests in the Greek church still lived in a conjugal state. In the west the clergy generally married; and in Edgar's time they were for the most part married in England. In the ninth century, the doctrine of celibacy, though urged by pope Nicholas, was resisted by a large majority of both priests and people. In the eleventh century, Gregory VII. intended to set up a new ecclesiastical empire, found that the unmarried clergy would be his best servants, since the married clergy gave pledges to the state; therefore he proceeded furiously to celibate the church, and called all the married priests Nicolaitans: while in England, Lanfrac only imposed celibacy on the prebendaries, and the clergy that lived in towns. Anseim imposed it on all without exception; but both he, Bernard, and Peter Damiani, complained that lust abounded much, even among the bishops. Not only Panormitan, but Pius II., wished that the law of celibacy was taken away. It was therefore clear, that it was not founded on the law of God; and it was a sin to force churchmen to vow that which sometimes was not in their power. It was found by examining the forms of ordination, that the priests in England had made no such vows; and even the vow in the Roman pontifical to live chastely, did not import a tie not to marry, since a man might live chaste in a married state. Many lewd stories were published of the clergy, but none seemed more remarkable, than that of the pope's legate in the time of Henry II. who the very same night after he had put all the married clergy from their benefices, himself was chargeable with flagrant impurity.

Another act passed confirming the liturgy which was now finished; eight bishops and three temporal lords only protesting against it. There was a long preamble, setting forth the inconvenience of the former offices, and the pains that had been taken to reform them; and that divers bishops and divines had, by the aid of the Holy Ghost, with an uniform agreement concluded on the new book: therefore they enacted that by Whitsunday next, all divine offices should be performed according to it; and if any used other offices, for the first offence they should be imprisoned six months, lose their benefices for a second, and be imprisoned during life for the third.

Another act also passed respecting fasting. It declared that notwithstanding all days and meats were in themselves alike, yet fasting, being a great help to virtue, and to subduing the body to the mind, and a distinction of meats conducing to the advancement of the fishing-trade, it was enacted, that Lent, and all Fridays, Saturdays, and Emberdays, should be fish-days, under several penalties, excepting the weak, or those that had the king's licence. Christ had told his disciples, that when he was taken from them they should fast: so in the primitive church christians fasted before Easter; but the same number of days was not observed in all places: afterwards other rules and days were established; but St. Austin complained, that many in his time placed all their religion in observing them. Fast-days were turned to a mockery in the church of Rome, in which clergy as well as laity sumptuously dined, and eat fish exquisitely dressed, and drank wine, and other choice beverage.

Both the laity and clergy granted the king subsidies, upon which the parliament was prorogued. The first thing taken into care was the receiving the act of uniformity. Some complaints were made of the priests' manner of officiating; who did it with such a tone of voice that the people could not understand what was said any more than when the prayers were said in Latin. Prayers were, therefore, ordered to be said in parish churches in a plain voice; while in cathedrals the old way was still kept up, as agreeing better with the music used in them. Though this seemed not very decent in the confession of sins, nor in the litany, where a simple voice, gravely uttered, agreed better with those devotions than cadences and quavering notes, it was yet retained. Others continued to use all the gesticulations, crossings, and kneelings, to which they had been formerly accustomed. The people also continued the use of their beads, which had been brought in by Peter the Hermit, in the eleventh century, by which repeating the angels salutation to the virgin was made a great part of their devotions, and was ten times said for one Pater Noster. Instructions were given to the visitors to put all these down in a new visitation, and to enquire if any priests continued their trentals, their thirty masses for departed souls. Orders were also given, that there should be no private masses at altars in the corners of churches; also that there should be but one communion in a day, unless in great churches, and at high festivals, in which they were allowed to have two, one in the morning, and another at noon.

The visitors made their report, that they found the book of common-prayer received universally over the kingdom, except that lady Mary continued to have mass said according to the abrogated forms. Upon this the council wrote to her to conform to the laws; pleading with her that being so near to the king in blood, she was the more obliged to give example to the rest of the subjects. She refused to comply, and sent to the emperor for his protection; upon which he pressed the English ambassador, who promised that for some time she should be dispensed. The emperor pretended afterwards that they had made him an absolute promise that she should never more be troubled about it; but the ambassador said it was only a temporary one. She refused to acknowledge the laws made when the king was under age, and carried herself very haughtily. She well knew that the protector was then fearful of a war with France, which made the emperor's alliance more necessary to England: yet the council sent for the officers of her household, and required them to let her know that the king's authority was the same while he was a child as at full age; and that it was now lodged in them; and though as single persons, they were all inferior to her, yet as they were the king's council, she was bound to obey them, especially when they executed the law; which all subjects, of whatever rank, were bound to obey. She obstinately refused to hear any of the bishops speak before her in favour of the reformation. Upon this the council returned an answer to her, that her objections were more the result of will than of reason, and therefore her grace must be admonished neither to trust her own opinion without ground, nor to mislike all others having ground. If hers were good, it were no hurt if she heard the worst. If it were ill, she might do well to hear the better.

The reformation of the greatest errors in divine worship being thus established, Cranmer proceeded next to establish a form of doctrine. The chief point hitherto untouched, was the presence of Christ in the sacrament, which the priests magnified as the greatest mystery of the Christian religion, and the chief privilege of Christians; with which the simple and credulous vulgar were mightily affected. The Lutherans received that which had been for some ages the doctrine of the Greek church, that in the sacraments there was both bread and wine, and also the substance of the body and blood of Christ. The Helvetians looked on it only as a commemoration of the death of Christ. The princes of Germany were at great pains to have these reconciled, in which Bucer had laboured with great industry. Some took a middle way, and asserted a real presence, while it was not easy to understand what was meant by that expression, unless it was a real application of Christ's death; so that the meaning of really was effectually. Though Bucer followed this method, Peter Martyr in his lectures declared plainly for the Helvetians. Dr. Smith and some others intended publicly to oppose and affront him; and challenged him to a dispute about it, which he readily accepted on condition that the king's council should first approve of it, and that it should be managed in scripture terms: for the strength of those doctors lay in a nimble managing of those barbarous and unintelligible terms of the schools, which, though they sounded high, yet really had no meaning: so that the protestants resolved to dispute in scripture terms, which were certainly more proper in matters of divinity than the metaphysical language of schoolmen.

The council having appointed Dr. Cox and some others to preside in the dispute, Dr. Smith went out of the way, and a little after fled out of England: but before he went he wrote a very mean submission to Cranmer. Other doctors disputed with Peter Martyr concerning transubstantiation, but it had the common fate of all public disputes, for both sides contended that they were victors. At this time there were also disputes at Cambridge, which were moderated by Ridley, who had been sent down by the council. He had fallen on Bertram's book of the sacrament, and wondered much to find so celebrated a writer in the ninth century engage so plainly against the corporeal presence. This disposed him to think that at the time it was not the received belief of the church: he communicated the opinion to Cranmer, and they together made great collections out of the fathers upon it, and both of them wrote concerning it.

The substance of their arguments was, that as Christ called the cup "the fruit of the vine," so St. Paul called the other element bread, after the consecration; which shews that their nature was not changed. When Christ substituted the eucharist in the room of the paschal lamb, he used such expressions as had been customary among the Jews on that occasion; who called the lamb the Lord's passover; which could not be meant literally, since the passover was the angels' passing over their houses, when the first-born of the Egyptians were killed. Being a commemoration of what was called the Lord's passover, in the same sense did Christ call the bread his body: figurative expressions being ordinary in scripture, and not improper in sacraments, which may be called figurative actions. The Lord's supper was also appointed for a remembrance of Christ, and that supposes absence. The elements were also called by Christ his body broken, and his blood shed; so it is plain they were his body, not as it is glorified in Heaven, but as it suffered on the cross: and since the scriptures speak of Christ's continuance in Heaven till the last day, from thence they inferred that he was not corporeally present. It was moreover shewed, that eating Christ's flesh, mentioned by St. John, was not to be understood of the sacrament, since of every partaker it is said that he has eternal life. It must therefore be understood only of receiving Christ's doctrine as he himself explained, when he said, "The flesh profiteth nothing; but my words, they are spirit and they are life."

There were some anabaptists at this time in England, who came from Germany. Of these there were two sorts; the first only objected to baptising children, and to the manner of it by sprinkling instead of dipping. The other held many opinions, anciently condemned as heresies: they had raised a cruel war in Germany, and had set up a new king as Munster: but all these bore the name of anabaptists from their rejection of infant baptism, though that was one of the mildest opinions they held. When they came over to England, a commission was granted to some bishops, and others, to search them out, and to proceed against them. Several of these persons on being taken up and brought before the council, abjured their errors, which were, that there was not a Trinity of persons; that Christ was not God, and took not flesh of the Virgin; and that a regenerate man could not sin.

Among the most zealous and enthusiastic holders of the opinion that Christ was not the same flesh as his virgin mother, was Joan Bocher, generally called Joan of Kent. She was resolute in her opinions, and rejected all the instruction offered her with scorn: she was, therefore, condemned as an obstinate heretic, and delivered to the secular arm. It was with the most extreme reluctance that the king signed the warrant for her execution; he thought it was an instance of the same spirit of cruelty for which the reformers condemned the papists; and, notwithstanding all the arguments that were used with him, he was rather silenced than satisfied. He signed the warrant with tears in his eyes, and said to Cranmer, that since he resigned up himself to his judgment, if he sinned in it the sin should lie at his door. This struck the archbishop; and both he and Ridley took Joan into their houses, and tried what reason joined with gentleness could do. But she became more and more resolute in her profession, and at last was burnt. She was sustained in her last moments by the peculiar fervor of her soul in the resistance of what she called, and justly called, a most cruel and unrighteous tyranny. Unprejudiced spirits, under full christian controul, would have mercifully provided this poor victim of lunacy with some appropriate asylum, rather than indulge the thought of leading her to the stake and kindling the flames around her. Gracious God! that this should have been done by Christians and Protestants! and that, while they were reforming the church, and attempting to establish on the ruins of a barbarous policy the gospel of peace and love! Joan was not the only victim of protestant misrule. George Van Parre, a Dutchman, was also condemned and burnt for denying the divinity of Christ, and saying, that the Father only was God. He had led a very exemplary life, both for fasting, devotion, and a good conversation; and he suffered with extraordinary composedness of mind. Against the other sort of anabaptists no severities were used; but several books were written to justify infant baptism; and the practice of the church so clearly begun, and so universally spread, was thought a good plea, especially being grounded on such arguments in scripture as demonstrated at least its lawfulness and propriety.

About this time a rebellion broke out in many parts of England partly arising from a jealousy in the commons against the nobility and gentry, who finding more advantage by the trade of wool than corn, generally inclosed their grounds, and turned them to pasture, by which a great number of persons were thrown out of employment, and a general consternation prevailed. The other cause was the unquenched enmity of the priests to the reformation, who endeavoured to revive in the minds of the blinded multitude their former errors. In Devonshire, the insurrection was very formidable; the superstition of the priests joining with the rage of the commons, they became quickly ten thousand strong. The lord Russel was sent against them with a small force, and ordered to try if the matter could be composed without blood: but Arundel, a man of quality, commanding the rebels, they were not a loose body of people so easily dispersed. They sent their demand to court-that the old service and ceremonies might be set up again; might be again in force: that the bible in English should be called in; that preachers should pray for the souls in purgatory; that Cardinal Pole should be restored; that the half of the abbey lands should be restored, to found two abbeys in every country; and that gentlemen of 100 marks a year might have but one servant. They desired besides, a safe conduct for their chief leaders, in order to the redress of their particular grievances.

Cranmer wrote an answer, shewing the impropriety and superstition of those rites and ceremonies, and of that whole way of worship of which they were so fond: and that the amendments and changes had been made according to the scriptures, and the customs of the primitive church: that their being fond of a worship which they understood not, and being desirous to be kept still in ignorance, without the scriptures, proved that their priests had greater power over them than the common reason of all mankind had. "As for the six articles," he added "that act had never passed if the king had not gone in person to the parliament, and argued for it: yet he soon saw his error, and was slack in executing it." After this a threatening answer was sent them in the king's name, charging them with their rebellion that blind obedience to their priests. In it the king's authority, though he was under age, was largely set forth; for by the pretence of his minority the people generally were taught to believe that their rising in arms was not rebellion. In conclusion, they were earnestly invited to submit to the royal mercy, as others had done, whom the king had not only pardoned, but whose just grievances he had fully redressed. A fast was proclaimed at court, when Cranmer preached with great freedom and vehemence: he laid before them their vicious lives, particularly of those who pretended a love to the gospel; and declared the judgments of God which they might look for; enlarging on the fresh example of the calamities of Germany, and intimating the sad apprehensions he had of some terrible stroke, if they did not repent and amend. The rebels continuing in arms, troops were sent against them; and after some resistance, they were at length every where routed, their leaders punished, and tranquillity restored.

A visitation of Cambridge followed soon after. Ridley was the chief visitor. When he found that a design was laid to suppress some colleges, under pretence of uniting them to others, and to convert some fellowships that were provided for divines to the study of the civil law, he refused his assent. He said the church was already too much robbed, and yet some men's craving was not to be satisfied. It seems the design was laid to drive both religion and learning out of the land; and therefore he desired leave to be gone. The visitors complained of him to the protector, who wrote him a chiding letter: but he answered it with the freedom that became a bishop, who was resolved to suffer all things rather than sin against his conscience; and the protector was so well satisfied with him, that for his sake the college of Clare-hall, the suppression of which he had strongly objected to, was preserved.

Bonner was now brought into trouble. It was not easy to know how to deal with him, for he obeyed every order that was sent to him; and yet it was known that he secretly hated and condemned the whole reforming system, and as often as he could declare that safely, he was not wanting by such ways to preserve his interest with the papists: thus though he obeyed the orders of council, he did it in so remiss a manner that it was visible it went against him. He was therefore called before it, and charged with several particulars, that whereas he used to officiate himself on the great festivals, he had not done it since the new service was set out; that he took no care to repress adultery, and that he never preached. In the end, proving very refractory and violent, he was deprived of his bishopric, and committed to prison during the king's pleasure.

The English affairs this year upon the continent were extremely unsuccessful, and the protector being charged with the result, complaints went loud against him; and his enemies, who were very numerous and powerful, took off the mask and openly declared hostility to his government. The earls of Southampton and Warwick were the chief; the one hated him for dismissing him from office, and the other hoped to be the chief man in the realm if he should fall. Nor was this all the protector's peril; the privy counsellors complained, that he was become so arbitrary in his proceedings, that he disregarded the opposition that was made by the majority of the council to any of his designs. All these things concurred to beget him many enemies: and except Cranmer, Paget, and Smith, all turned against him. The council violently complained of his conduct in foreign affairs, and enlarged upon the evils that had resulted from it.

The protector carried the king to Hampton-court, and put many of his own people about him, which increased the jealousy against him: upon which, nine of the privy council met at Ely-house, and assumed to themselves the authority of the council; and secretary Petre being sent by the king, to ask the account of their meeting, instead of returning joined himself to them. They made a large declaration of the protector's ill-government; and they resolved themselves to see to the safety of the king and kingdom. Both the city of London, and the lieutenant of the Tower declared for them: they also sent letters through England, desiring the assistance of the nobility and gentry. Seven more privy counsellors came and joined them. The protector had removed the king from Hampton-court to Windsor, which had some defence about it; and had armed some of his own servants, and set them about the king's person; yet seeing himself abandoned by all but a few friends, and finding the party against him was of such a strength that it would be in vain to struggle any longer, he offered to submit himself to the council. A proposition of treaty was set on foot, and the lords in London were desired to send two of their number with their proposals, and a passport was sent them for their safety. Cranmer and two others wrote to the council, to dispose them to an agreement, and not to follow cruel suggestions. Many false reports were abroad of the protector, that he had threatened, if they intended to put him to death, the king should die first, which served to increase the prejudices against him. The council wrote to Cranmer and Paget, charging them to look well to the king's person, that he should not be removed from Windsor; and that the protector's dependants might be put from him, and his own sworn servants admitted. They also protested that they would proceed with all the moderation and favour towards the duke that was possible. Understanding that all things were prepared as they had desired, they sent first three of their number, to see that the duke and some of his friends, namely, Smith, Stanhope, Thynne, Wolf, and Cecil, should be confined to their lodgings; and on the 12th of October, the whole council went to Windsor, and made great protestations of their duty to the king, which he received favourably, and assured them he took all that they had done in good part.

On this the protector, with the rest of his friends except Cecil, who was presently enlarged, were sent to the Tower, and many articles were objected to him, that he had treated with ambassadors apart, had made bishops and lord-lieutenants of his own will, had held a court of requests in his house, had embased the coin and neglected the places the king had in France, had encouraged the commons in their late insurrections, had given out commissions, and proclaimed a pardon without consent of the council; that he had animated the king against them, had proclaimed them traitors, and had put his own servants armed about the king's person. Hence it appears, that the crimes alleged against him were the effects of his sudden exaltation, which had made him too much forget that he was a subject: although in fact he had carried his greatness with much innocence, since in all the studied charges brought against him by his numerous enemies, no acts of cruelty, rapine, or bribery, were objected to him. His faults were rather errors and weaknesses, than crimes. His embasing the coin was done upon a common mistake of weak governments, who fly to that as their last refuge in the necessity of their affairs. In his imprisonment, he set himself to the study of moral philosophy and divinity, and wrote a preface to a book of patience, which had made great impressions on him. His fall was a great affliction to all who loved the reformation, and this was increased because they had no reason to trust much to the two chief men of the party against him. Southampton was a known papist, and Warwick was looked on as a man of no religion: and both at the emperor's court, and in France, it was expected that upon this revolution, religion would again drop into the posture in which king Henry had left it. The duke of Norfolk and bishop Gardiner hoped to be discharged, Bonner looked to be re-established in his bishopric, and all people began to neglect the new service: this would no doubt immediately have been the case had not the earl of Warwick, finding the king zealously affected to the reformation, quickly forsook the popish party, and become a mighty promoter of that cause. A court of civilians was appointed to examine Bonner's appeal, and upon their report the council rejected it, and confirmed the sentence that had been upon him.

In November the parliament met, when an act was passed declaring it treason to call any to the number of twelve together about matter of state, if on being required they did not disperse. The bishops made a heavy complaint of the growth of vice and impiety, and that their power was so much abridged, they could not repress them. Accordingly a bill was read, enlarging their authority; but it was thought to give them too much power, and it was so moderated that the lords passed it; but the commons rejected it, and sent up a bill that empowered thirty-two who were to be named by the king, one half of the temporality, and the other of the spirituality, to compile a body of ecclesiastical laws within three years; and that these, not being contrary to the common or statute law, and approved of by the king, should have ecclesiastical authority in the land. Of this thirty-two, four were to be bishops, and as many to be common lawyers. Twelve divines were also empowered to prepare a new form of ordination; which being confirmed under the great seal, should take place after April. Articles were then put in against the duke of Somerset, with a confession signed by him. He protested that his errors had flowed rather from indiscretion than malice, and denied all treasonable designs against the king or the realm: he was fined in 2000l. a year in land, and the loss of all his goods and offices. He complained of the heaviness of this censure, and desired earnestly to be restored to the king's favour, trusting that he should make amends for his past follies. He was discharged in the beginning of February, soon after which he was pardoned, and was again brought both to the court and council.

The reformation now proceeded with fresh vigour. The council sent orders over England to require all to conform themselves to the new service, and to call in all the books of the old offices. An act passed in parliament to the same effect. All the old books and images were appointed to be defaced, and all prayers to saints were to be struck out of the primmers published by the late king. A remarkable privilege was this session granted to the eldest sons of peers, who were allowed as such to sit in the commons' house. The committee appointed to prepare the book of ordinations, finished their work with common consent. It was found that in the ancient church, there was nothing used in ordinations, but prayer and imposition of hands: the additions of anointing and giving consecrated vestments were afterwards brought in. In the council of Florence, it was declared that the rite of ordaining a priest, the delivering vessels for the eucharist, with a power to offer sacrifices to God for the dead and living, were novelties invented to support the belief of transubstantiation. All these additions were now cut off, and ordination was restored to a greater simplicity; and the form was almost the same as that still in use, only then in ordaining a priest, the bishop was to lay one hand on his head, and with the other to give him a Bible, and a chalice with bread in it. In the consecration of a bishop, the form was the same that we retain, only then the custom was retained of giving the bishop a staff, saying these words, "Be to the flock of Christ a shepherd."

In the middle of the sixth century, the anointing the priests' hands was begun in France, but was not used in the Roman church for two ages after. In the eighth century, the vestments were given with a special blessing, empowering priests to offer expiatory sacrifices; then their heads were anointed: and in the tenth century, the belief of transubstantiation being received, the vessels for the sacrament were delivered. It is evident from the several forms of ordination, that the church did not believe itself tied to one manner; and that the prayer, which in some ages was the prayer of consecration, was in other ages esteemed only a prayer preparatory to it. There were some sponsions promised, as a covenant, to which the ordination was a seal: the first of these was that the persons who came to receive orders professed that they were inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost. If this were well considered, it would no doubt put many that thirst after sacred offices to a stand; who, if they examine themselves well, dare not pretend to a gift concerning which they know nothing, but that they have it not.

At this time pope Paul the third died. In the conclave that followed, cardinal Farnese set up cardinal Pole, whose wise behaviour in the council of Trent had greatly raised his esteem. It also appeared, that though he was of the emperor's faction, yet he did not serve him blindly. Some loaded him with the imputations of Lutheranism, and incontinence: the last would not have hindered his advancement, though true, yet he fully cleared himself from it: but the former lay heavier, for in his retirement at Viterbo, where he was legate, he had given himself to the study of controversies; and Tranellius, Flaminio, and others suspected of Lutheranism, had lived in his house; and in the council of Trent he seemed favourable to some of their opinions. But the great sufferings both of himself and family in England, seemed to set him above all suspicions. When his friends had almost gained a sufficient number of suffrages, he seemed little concerned at it, and rather declined than aspired to the dignity. When a full number had agreed, and came to adore him, according to the ordinary ceremony, he received it with his usual coldness; and it being done in the night, he said, "God loves light," advising them to delay it till day. The Italians, among whom ambition passes for the character of a great mind, looked on this as an insufferable piece of dulness; so that the cardinals shrunk from him before day, and chose de Monte pope, who reigned by the name of Julius the Third. His first promotion is very extraordinary, for he gave his cardinal's hat to a servant who kept his monkey; and being asked the reason of it, he said, he saw as much in his servant to recommend him to be a cardinal, as the conclave saw in him to induce them to choose him pope.

In February, Ridley was made bishop of London and Westminster; 1000l. a year of the rents of the see where assigned him, with licence to hold two prebends. Repse, bishop of Norwich resigned, upon which Therleby, bishop of Westminster, was removed to Norwich; and it was resolved to re-unite London and Westminster, and to place them under one man's care. Ridley's patent was not during pleasure but during life-a strong proof of the king's favour. About this time there was a discourse on foot of a marriage between the king and a French princess, which grieved the reformers, who rather wished him to marry Maximilian's daughter, who was believed to favour the reformation, and was esteemed one of the best men of the age. Dr. Latimer preached at court, and warned the king of the ill effects of bad marriages, which were made up only as political bargains, without affection between the parties; and that they occasioned so much iniquity, and so many divorces: he also complained of the luxury and vanity of the age, and pressed the setting up a primitive discipline in the church. He preached this as his last sermon, and therefore used great freedom.

The see of Gloucester fell vacant, and Hooper was named to it. He had some scruples about the episcopal vestments, and thought all those garments having been consecrated with much superstition were to be reckoned among the elements condemned by St. Paul: but Ridley justified the use of them, and said the elements condemned by St. Paul, were only the Jewish ceremonies; which the apostles condemned when they were imposed as essential, as though the Mosaical law was not abrogated, and the Messiah was not come. Cranmer desired Bucer's opinion concerning the lawfulness of those habits, and the obligation lying on subjects to obey the laws about them. His opinion was that every creature of God was good, and that no former abuse could make a thing indifferent in itself become unlawful. Yet since those garments had been abused to superstition, and were likely to become a subject of contention, he wished they might be taken away by law; and that ecclesiastical discipline, and a more complete reformation might be pursued, and a stop put to the robbing of churches; otherwise they might see, in the present state of Germany, a dreadful prospect of that which England ought to look for. He wished that all good men would unite against the greater corruptions, and then lesser abuses would easily be redressed. Peter Martyr also delivered his opinion to the same purpose. Hooper was suspended from preaching; but the earl of Warwick wrote to Cranmer to dispense with him in the matter: he answered, that while the law continued in force, he could not do it without incurring a Praemunire. Upon this the king wrote to him, allowing him to do it, and dispensing with the law: yet this matter was not settled till a year after. John a Lasco, with some Germans of the Helvetian confession, came this year into England, being driven out of Germany by persecution: they were erected by letters patent into a corporation, and a Lasco was their superintendent. He wrote both against the habits, and against kneeling in the sacrament. Polydore Virgil was this year suffered to go out of England, and still to hold the preferments he had in it. Pomet was made bishop of Rochester, and Coverdale co-adjutor to Veysey in Exeter, the bishop of which he soon became.

A design was now set on foot for a review of the common-prayer book, in order to which Bucer's opinion was asked. He approved the main parts of the former book, and wished there might not only be a denunciation against scandalous persons who came to the sacrament, but a discipline to exclude them: that the habits might be laid aside; that no part of the communion office might be used, except when there was a sacrament; that communion might be more frequent; that the prayers might be said in a plain voice; the sacrament put in the people's hands; and that there might be no prayers for the dead. He advised a change of some phrases in the office of the communion which seemed to favour transubstantiation; and that baptism might be only in churches. He thought the hallowing water, the chrism, and the white garment, were too scenical: nor did he approve of adjuring the devil, nor of the god-father's answering in the child's name: he thought confirmation should be delayed till the person was of age, and came sincerely to renew the baptismal covenant. He advised catechising every holy day, both of children and adults; he disliked private marriages, extreme unction, and offerings at the churching of women: and thought there ought to be greater strictness used in the examination of those who came to receive orders.

At the same time he understood that the king expected a new-year's gift from him, of a book written particularly for his own use: he, therefore, prepared a work for him concerning the kingdom of Christ: he pressed much the setting up a strict discipline, the sanctification of the Lord's day, appointed days of fasting, and that pluralities and nonresidence might be effectually condemned; that children might be catechised; that the reverence due to churches might be preserved; that bishops should throw off secular affairs, take care of their dioceses, and govern them by the advice of their presbysters; that there might be rural bishops over twenty or thirty parishes; that provincial councils might meet twice a year; that church-lands should be restored, and a fourth part be assigned to the poor; that marriage without consent of parents should be annulled; that a second marriage might be declared lawful, after divorce for adultery, and some other reasons; that care should be taken of the education of youth, and for repressing luxury; that the law might be reformed; that no office might be sold, but given to the most deserving; that none should be put in prison upon slight offences; and that the severity of some laws, as that which made theft capital, might be mitigated.

Edward was much pleased with these advices; and upon them began himself to form a scheme for amending many things that were amiss in the government. This he writ with his own hand, and in a style and manner which had much of a child in it, though the thoughts were manly. It appears that he intended to set up a church discipline, and settle a method of bringing up youth; but the discourse was not finished. He also wrote a journal of every thing that passed at home, and of the news from beyond sea. It had clear marks of his own composing, as well as it is written with his own hand. He wrote another discourse in French, being a collection of all the places of scripture against idolatry, with a preface before it, dedicated to the protector.

At this time Ridley made his first visitation to his diocese; the articles upon which he proceeded chiefly related to the service and ceremonies that were abolished. He also carried some injunctions with him against certain remainders of the former superstition, and for exhorting the people to alms, and to come oft to the sacrament; and that altars might be removed, and tables put in their room, in the most convenient place of the chancel. In the ancient church the tables were of wood; but the sacrament being called a sacrifice in the mass, and therefore it was thought fit to take away both the name and form of altars. Ridley only advised the curates to do this; but upon some contests arising concerning it, the council interposed, and required it to be done; and sent with their order a list of reasons justifying it. The following among others were most excellent reasons assigned in this official paper of the council for the substitution of simple tables for carved and adorned altars. "The form of a table shall more move the simple from the superstitious opinions of the popish mass, unto the right use of the Lord's supper.--For the use of an altar is to make sacrifice upon it; the use of the table is to serve for men to eat upon. Now when we come unto the Lord's board, what do we come for? To sacrifice Christ again, and to crucify him again, or to feed upon him that was once only crucified and offered up for us? If we come to feed upon him, spiritually to eat his body, and spiritually to drink his blood, which is the use of the Lord's supper, then no man can deny but the form of a table is more meet for the Lord's board than the form of an altar." Then, moreover, "Jesus Christ did institute the sacrament of his body and blood at his last supper at a table, and not at an altar, as it appeareth manifestly by the three Evangelists. And St. Paul calleth the coming to the holy communion the coming unto the Lord's supper. And also it is not read that any of the apostles or the primitive church did ever use any altar in ministration of the holy communion. Wherefore seeing the form of a table is more agreeable to Christ's institution, and with the usage of the apostles, and of the primitive church, than the form of an altar, therefore the form of a table is rather to be used than the form of an altar in the administration of the holy communion."

The government was now free of all disturbance: the coin was reformed, and commerce was encouraged. The faction in the court seemed also to be extinguished by a marriage between the earl of Warwick's son and the duke of Somerset's daughter. The duke of Lunenburgh made a proposition of marriage with lady Mary, but the treaty with the infant of Portugal did still depend, so it was not entertained. In addition the church promised well: even the popish clergy conformed to every change that was made. Oglethorpe, afterwards bishop of Carlisle, being informed against as favouring the old superstition, under his hand declared, that he thought the order of religion then settled was nearer the use of the primitive church and that which was formerly received, and that he condemned transubstantiation as a late invention, and approved the communion in both kinds, also the people's receiving it always with the priest. Smith, who had written against the marriage of the clergy, and was upon some complaints put in prison, but discharged by Cranmer's intercession, wrote a submission to him, acknowledging the mistakes he had committed in his book, and the archbishop's gentleness towards him; and wished he might perish if he was not sincere, and called God a witness against his soul if he lied. Day, bishop of Chichester, also preached at court against transubstantiation. The principle by which most of that party governed themselves was this-they concluded they ought to oppose all the changes before they were established by law; yet that being done, that they might afterwards comply with them.

Martin Bucer died in the beginning of this year. He had entertained great apprehensions of a fatal revolution in England, by reason of the ill lives of the people, the want of ecclesiastical discipline, and the neglect of the pastoral charge. Orders were sent from the court to Cambridge, to bury him with all the public honour to his memory that could be devised. Speeches and sermons were made both by Haddon, the university orator, and Parker, then Regius professor, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. He was one of the most extraordinary men both for learning and a true judgment of things in that time: he had differed in some points from Bucer, and yet he acknowledged, that there was none alive of whom he hoped to learn so much as he had done by his conversation with him. Bucer was inferior to none of all the reformers in learning, and had a great zeal for preserving the unity of the church: he had not that fluency in disputing for which Peter Martyr was admired, and the popish doctors took advantage from that to carry themselves more insolently towards him.

Soon after this, Gardiner's process was put to an end: a commission was issued out to Cranmer, three bishops, and some civilians, to proceed against him, for his contempt in refusing to sign the articles that had been offered to him. The things objected to him were, that he refused to advocate in his sermon the king's power when he was under age, and had affronted the preachers whom the king had sent to his diocese; that he had been negligent in executing the king's injunctions, and refused to confess his fault and ask the king's pardon. It was said that the rebellions raised in England might have been prevented, if he had in time set forth the king's authority: to which he answered, that he was not required to do it by any order of council, but only in a private discourse; yet witnesses being examined upon these particulars, the delegates proceeded to sentence of deprivation against his notwithstanding his appeal to the king in person; and he was appointed to lie still in the tower, where he continued till queen Mary discharged him.

By this time the greater number of the bishops were such men as heartily received the reformation: it was, therefore, resolved to proceed to a settlement of the doctrine of the church. Many thought that should have been done in the first place; but Cranmer judged it was better to proceed slowly in such a matter: he thought corruptions in the worship were to be first begun with, since while they remained the addresses to God were so defiled that all people were involved in unlawful compliances. He thought that speculative opinions might come last, since errors in them were not of such ill-consequence: and he judged it necessary to lay these open, in many treatises and disputes, before the council should proceed to make alterations, in order that all people might be fully satisfied with what was done. Accordingly they framed a body of articles which contained the doctrine of the church of England: they divided them into forty-two, and afterwards some few alterations being made in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign, they were reduced to their present number, thirty nine.

The greatest care was taken to frame these articles in the most comprehensive words, and the greatest simplicity united with strength. When this was settled, commenced the review of the common prayer book. In the daily service they added the confession and absolution, that so the worship of God might begin in a grave and humble manner: after which a solemn declaration of the mercy of God, according to the terms of the gospel, was to be pronounced by the priest. This was thought much better than giving absolution in such formal words, as, "I absolve thee:" which begat in the superficial worshipper an opinion, that the priest had authority to pardon sin, and which made them think of nothing so much as how to purchase it at his hands. In the communion service they ordered a recital of the commandments, with a short devotion between every one of them. The holy oil, the use of the cross in consecrating the eucharist, prayers for the dead, and some expressions that favoured transubstantiation, were rejected, and the book was put in the same order as that in which it continues to this day, excepting only some inconsiderable variations. A rubrick was added to the office of the communion, explaining the reason of kneeling in it, that it was only an expression of reverence and gratitude upon receiving so particular a mark of the favour of God: but that no adoration was intended by it, and no intimation that Christ was corporeally present in it. In queen Elizabeth's time this was omitted, that such as conformed in other things, but still retained the belief of the corporeal presence, might not be offended at such a declaration; but it was again inserted on the restoration of Charles II., for removing the scruples of those who excepted to that posture. Christ at first instituted this sacrament in the ordinary table gesture. Moses appointed the pascal lamb to be eaten by the people standing, with staves in their hands, they being then to begin their march; yet that was afterwards changed by the Jews, who ate it in the posture common at meals, which our Saviour's practice justifies.

At this time six of the most eminent preachers were appointed to wait on the court by turns, two at a time, and the other four were sent as itinerant preachers into all the counties of England, in a circuit, for supplying the defects of the clergy, who were generally very weak and faulty. This was no new practice among reformers of the church. Wickliffe and his disciples went from town to town, and from county to county, to preach the gospel; which they proclaimed in church yards as well as churches, and even in markets and fairs, and whatever public places would allow of the greatest numbers to hear them. The protestants of France early adopted the same custom. Even the catholics have been examples of this zeal in defence of corruption and error, which the reformed have found so remarkably efficient in propagating the true faith.

The mass, which was still continued in lady Mary's chapel, was now again challenged. The court was less afraid of the emperor's displeasure than formerly, and therefore would no longer bear with so public a breach of law: and the promise they had made being but temporary, and never given in writing, they thought they were not bound by it. But the emperor assured her that he had an absolute promise for that privilege in her behalf: this encouraged her so much, that when the council wrote, she said she would follow the catholic church, and adhere to her father's religion. Answer was written in the king's name, requiring her to obey the law, and not to pretend that the king was under age, since the late rebels had justified themselves by that. The way of worship then established, was also vindicated, as most consonant to the word of God. But she refused to engage in any disputes, and said she would continue in her former courses. She once was thinking of going out of England, insomuch that the emperor ordered a ship to lie near the coast for her transportation, and espoused he quarrel so warmly, that he threatened to make war, if she should be severely used. Dr. Wotton was sent over to the emperor, to convince him that no absolute promise was ever made: but he pretended, that he had promised to her mother at her death to protect her, and was therefore bound in honour to take care of her; but now when the council were not in such fear of the emperor's displeasure, they sent to seize on two of her chaplains, who had said mass her house, when she was absent: they kept out of the way, and she wrote to the council to stop the prosecution, and continued to stand upon the promise made to the emperor. A long answer was returned to her by the council, in which after the matter of the promise was cleared, they urged the absurdity of prayers in an unknown tongue, offering the sacrament for the dead, and worshipping images: the ancients appealed upon all occasions to the scriptures, by which she might easily discover the errors and cheats of the old superstition, that were supported only by false miracles and lying stories. They pleaded that being trusted with the execution of the laws, they were obliged to proceed equally.

Mallet, one of the chaplains, was taken, and upon her earnestly desiring that he might be set at liberty, it was denied her. The council sent for the chief officers of her house, and required them to let her know the king's pleasure, that she must have the new service in her family; and to give the like charge to her chaplains and servants. This vexed her much, and almost cast her into sickness. She said, she would obey the king in every thing in which her conscience was not touched; but charged them not to deliver the council's message to her servants. Upon that, the lord chancellor, the lord Petre, and one other, were sent with the same orders to her: they carried to her a letter from the king, which she received on her knees; but when she read it, she cast the blame of it on Cecil, then secretary of state. The chancellor told her, the whole council were of one mind, that they could not suffer her to use a form of worship against law, and had ordered them to intimate this both to herself and her family. She made great protestations of duty to the king; but said, she would die rather than use any form of worship but that which was left by her father, only she was afraid she was not worthy to suffer on so good an account. If her chaplains refused to say mass, she could have none, for the new service she was resolved against, and if it was forced on her, she would leave her house. She insisted on the promise made to the emperor, and she believed him more than them all: she gave them a token to be carried to the king, and so dismissed them. Upon this her resolution, the council went no further, only after this her mass was said so secretly as to give no public offence. From Copthall, where this was done, she removed and lived at Hunsden, where Ridley went to see her. There is something so curious in this visit and dialogue between the bishop and Mary, that we shall give it in Mr. Fox's own words.

About the eighth of September Dr. Ridley, then bishop of London, being at his house at Hadham, in Hertfordshire, went to visit the lady Mary then living at Hunsden, two miles off; and was gently entertained by Sir Thomas Wharton and other of her officers till it was almost eleven o'clock, about which time the lady Mary came forth into her chamber of presence, and then the bishop saluted her grace, and said, that he was come to do his duty to her grace. She thanked him for his pains, and for a quarter of an hour talked with him very pleasantly, saying that she knew him in the court when he was chaplain to her father, and could well remember a sermon that he made before king Henry her father, at the marriage of my lady Clinton that now is, to Sir Anthony Brown. So she dismissed him to dine with her officers. After dinner was done the bishop being called for by the lady Mary, restored again to her grace, between whom this communication was. First the bishop began in manner as followeth:-"Madam, I came not only to do my duty to see your grace, but also to offer myself to preach before you on Sunday next, if it will please you to hear me." At this her countenance changed, and after silence for a space, she answered thus-"My Lord, as for this last matter I pray you make the answer to it yourself." The dialogue then proceeded thus:--

Bishop. Madam, considering mine office and calling, I am bound in duty to make to your grace this offer, to preach before you.

Mary. Well, I pray you make the answer to this matter yourself: for you know the answer well enough. But if there be no remedy but I must make you answer, this shall be your answer; the door of the parish-church adjoining shall be open for you if you come, and ye may preach if you list; but neither I nor any of mine shall hear you.

Bishop. Madam, I trust you will not refuse God's word.

Mary. I cannot tell what ye call God's word; that is not God's word now, that was God's word in my father's days.

Bishop. God's word is all one in all times, but hath been better understood and practised in some ages than in other.

Mary. You durst not for your ears have avouched that for God's word in my father's days, that now you do. And as for your new books, I thank God I never read any of them; I never did, nor ever will do.

After many bitter words against the form of religion then established, and against the government of the realm, and the laws made in the young years of her brother, which she said she was not bound to obey till her brother came to perfect age, and then she affirmed she would obey them; she asked the bishop whether he were one of the council: he answered, "No." "You might well enough," said she, "as the council goeth now a days." Then she concluded with these words: "My lord, for your gentleness to come and see me, I thank you; but for your offering to preach before me, I thank you never a whit," The bishop was dismissed, and brought by Sir Thomas Wharton to the place where they dined, and was desired to drink. After he had drunk, he paused awhile, looking very sadly, and suddenly brake out into these words: "Surely, I have done amiss!" "Why so?" quoth Sir Thomas Wharton. "I have drunk," said he, "in that place where God's word offered hath been refused: whereas if I had remembered my duty, I ought to have departed immediately, and to have shaken off the dust of my shoes for a testimony against this house." These words were by the bishop spoken with such a vehemency, that some of the hearers afterward confessed their hair to stand upright on their heads. This done, the bishop departed, and so returned to his house.

At this time a great creation of peers took place. Warwick was made duke of Northumberland, the Percies being then under an attainder: Paulet was made Marquis of Winchester; Herbert, earl of Pembroke; and a little before this, Russel had been created earl of Bedford; and Darcy was made a lord. There was none so likely to take the king out of Northumberland's hands, as the duke of Somerset, who was beginning to form a new party. Therefore, upon some informations, the duke of Somerset and his duchess, Sir Ralph Vane, Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir Thomas Arundel, and several others, of whom some were gentlemen of quality, and others the duke's servants, were all committed to the Tower. Committing Palmer was a mere delusion, for he had betrayed the duke, and was seized as an accomplice, after which, he pretended to discover a plot: he said, the duke intended to have raised the people, and that Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke, having been invited to dine at the lord Paget's, he intended to have set on them by the way, or have killed them at dinner; that Vane was to have 2000 men ready; Arundel was to have seized on the Tower, and all the gendarmarie were to have been killed. These things were told the young king with such specious circumstances, that he was deluded by them, and unhappily became alienated from his uncle, judging him guilty of so foul a conspiracy. It was added by others, that the duke intended to have raised the city of London; one Crane confirmed Palmer's testimony, and both the earl of Arundel and Paget were committed as accomplices.

On the first of December the duke was brought to his trial: the marquis of Winchester, lord steward presided; and twenty-seven peers sat in judgment, among whom were the dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland, and the earl of Pembroke. The particular charges were, a design to seize on the king's person, to imprison Norhtumberland, and to raise the city of London. It seemed a gross dereliction of justice for Northumberland to sit as judge, when one crime alleged was a design against his life: for though by the law of England no peer can be challenged, yet by the law of nature no man can judge where he is a party. The chancellor, though a peer, was left out, upon suspicion of a reconciliation which he was making with the duke. The protector was not deeply skilled in law, and neither objected to the indictment, nor desired counsel to plead for him, but only answered to matters of fact: he denied all design to raise the people, or to kill Northumberland; or if he had talked thus it was in passion, without any intention: and it was ridiculous to think, that he with a small troop could destroy nine hundred gendarmarie. The armed men he had about him were for his own defence; he had done no mischief to his enemies, though it was once in his power to have done it; and he had surrendered himself without any resistance: he desired the witnesses might be brought face to face, and objected many things to them, chiefly to Palmer; but this common act of justice was denied him, and their depositions were only read. He carried himself during the trial with great temper, and all the sharpness which the king's counsel expressed in pleading against him did not provoke him to any indecent passion.

When sentence was given his courage sank a little, and he asked the three lords, who were his enemies, pardon for his ill designs against them, and made suit for his life, and for his wife and children. It was generally thought that nothing being found against him but an intention to imprison a privy counsellor, which had never taken effect, one so nearly related to the king, would not have been put to death on that account: it was therefore necessary to raise in the king a great aversion to him. Accordingly, a story was brought to him, as if in the Tower the protector had confessed a design to employ means to assassinate these lords; and the persons said to have been named for that wicked service were all persuaded to affirm it. This being believed by the king, he took no care to preserve him, assassination being a crime of so barbarous a nature, that it possessed him with a horror, even of his uncle, when he thought him guilty of it: and thus was he given up to his enemies. Stanhope, Partridge, Arundel, and Vane, were next tried: the two first were not much pitied, for they had made an ill use of their interest in the duke during his greatness: the last two were much lamented. Arundel's jury was shut up a whole day and night, and those who were for the acquittal yielded to the fury of the rest, only that they might save their own lives, and not be starved. Vane had done great service in the wars, and carried himself with considerable magnanimity. They were all condemned: Partridge and he were hanged, the other two were beheaded.

The lord chancellor had become a secret friend to the duke of Somerset, which was thus discovered: he went aside once at council and wrote a note giving the duke notice of what was then in agitation against him, and, endorsing it only for the duke, sent it to the Tower: but his servant, not having particular directions, fancied it was to the duke of Norfolk, and carried it to him. He, to make Northumberland his friend, forwarded it to him: upon Rich understanding the mistake into which his servant had fallen, to prevent the discovery, went immediately to the king, and pretending some indisposition desired to be discharged; upon which the great seal was taken from him, and put in the hands of the bishop of Ely. This was much censured, for all the reformers had inveighed severely against the secular employments and high places which bishops had held in the church of Rome. Christ said, "Who made me a judge?" St. Paul left it as a rule, that "No man that warreth, entangleth himself with the affairs of this life." This Saint Cyprian and the other fathers understood as a perpetual prohibition of churchmen's meddling with secular matters, and condemned it severely. Many canons were made against this in provincial councils, and a very full one was decreed at Chalcedon. But as the bishops of Rome and Alexandria grew rich and powerful, they established a sort of secular principality in the church: and other sees, as they increased in wealth affected to imitate them. Charles the Great raised this much every where, and gave great territories and privileges to the church; upon which bishops and abbots were not only admitted to a share in the public counsels, by virtue of their lands, but all the chief offices of the state were open to them; and then ecclesiastical preferments were given to courtiers as rewards for their services. By these means the clergy became very corrupt, merit and learning being no longer the standards by which men were esteemed or promoted: and bishops were only considered as a sort of great men, who went in a peculiar habit, and on great festivities were obliged to say mass, or perform some other solemnities. They wholly abandoned the souls committed to their care, and left the spiritual part of their callings to their vicars and archdeacons, who made no other use of it, but to oppress the inferior clergy and the people.

We now proceed to relate the death of the Protector, as furnished by a certain nobleman, who was present at the deed-doing, and wrote the same. In the year of our Lord 1552, and the month of January, he was brought out of the Tower of London, delivered to the sheriffs of the city, and compassed about with a great number of armed men both of the guard and others. He was conducted to the scaffold on Tower-hill, where changing neither voice nor countenance, but in a manner and with the same gesture which he commonly used at home, kneeling upon both his knees and lifting up his hands, commended himself unto God. After he had ended a few short prayers, standing up again, and turning himself toward the east side of the scaffold, nothing at all abashed either with the sight of the axe, nor yet of the executioner, nor of present death; but with the same alacrity and cheerfulness of mind and countenance as he was accustomed to shew when he heard the causes and supplication of others, and especially the poor, he uttered these words to the people:--

"Dearly beloved friends, I am brought hither to suffer death, albeit that I never offended against the king either by word or deed, and have been always as faithful and true unto this realm as any man. But forsomuch as I am by law condemned to die, I do acknowledge myself as well as others to be subject thereunto. Wherefore to testify my obedience which I owe unto the laws, I am come hither to suffer death; whereunto I willingly offer myself, with most hearty thanks unto God, who hath given me this time of repentance, who might through sudden death have taken away my life, that neither I should have acknowledged him nor myself. Moreover, dearly beloved friends, there is yet somewhat that I must put you in mind of, as touching the Christian religion; which so long as I was in authority, I always diligently set forth and furthered to my utmost power. Neither do I repent me of my doings, but rejoice therein, seeing that now the state of Christian religion cometh most near unto the form and order of the primitive church. Which thing I esteem as a great benefit given of God both unto you and me; most heartily exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth unto you, you will with like thankfulness accept and embrace, and set out the same in your living. Which thing if you do not, without doubt greater mischief and calamity will follow."

When he had spoken these words, there was suddenly a terrible noise heard: whereupon there came a great fear upon all men. This noise was as it had been the noise of some great storm or tempest, which to some seemed to be from above; as if a great deal of gunpowder being inclosed in an armory, and having caught fire, had violently broken out. But unto some it seemed as though it had been a great multitude of horsemen running together or coming upon them. Such a noise then was in the ears of all, although they saw nothing. Whereby it happened that all the people being amazed without any evident cause, they ran away, some into the ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabouts; others fell down grovelling unto the ground, with their poleaxes and halberts; and most of them cried out, "Jesus save us, Jesus save us!" Those who remained in their places, for fear knew not where they were; and I myself who was there among the rest, being also afraid in this hurly-burly, stood still amazed. It happened here, as the evangelist wrote of Christ, when as the officers of the high priests and pharisees, coming with weapons to take him, being astonished ran backwards and fell to the ground.

In the meantime, whilst these things were thus in doing, the people by chance espied one Sir Anthony Brown riding under the scaffold; which was the occasion of a new noise. For when they saw him coming they conjectured that which was not true, but which they all sincerely wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent his uncle pardon; and therefore with great rejoicing and casting up their caps, they cried out, "Pardon, pardon is come, God save the king." Thus this good duke, although he was destitute of all man's help, yet saw before his departure, in how great love and favour he was with all men. And truly I do not think that in so great slaughter of dukes as hath been in England within these few years there were so many weeping eyes at one time; and not without cause. For all men saw in his fall the public ruin of England, except such as indeed did perceive nothing. Meantime standing in the same place, the duke modestly and with a grave countenance made a sign to the people with his hand, that they would keep themselves quiet. Which done, and silence obtained, he spake unto them in this manner.

"Dearly beloved friends, there is no such matter here in hand as you vainly hope or believe. It seemeth thus good unto Almighty God, whose ordinance it is meet and necessary that we all be obedient unto. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my death, which I am most willing to suffer; and let us now join in prayer unto the Lord for the preservation of the king's majesty, unto whom hitherto I have always shewed myself a most faithful and true subject. I have always been most diligent about his majesty in his affairs both at home and abroad, and no less diligent in seeking the common good of the whole realm." At which words all the people cried out, "It is most true." The duke on their silence proceeding, said, "Unto whose majesty I wish continual health, with all felicity and all prosperous success." Whereunto the people again cried out, "Amen." The duke then added also, "I do wish unto all his counsellors the grace and favour of God, whereby they may rule in all things uprightly with justice. Unto whom I exhort you all in the Lord to shew yourselves obedient, as it is your bounden duty, under the pain of condemnation, and also most profitable for the preservation and safeguard of the king's majesty.

"Moreover, as heretofore I have had oftentimes affairs with divers men, and hard it is to please every man, therefore if there be any who hath been offended and injured by me, I most humbly require and ask him forgiveness; but especially Almighty God, whom throughout all my life I have most grievously offended; and all others whosoever they be that have offended me, I do with my whole heart forgive them. Now I once again require you, dearly beloved in the Lord, that you will keep yourselves quiet and still, lest through your tumult you might trouble me. For albeit the spirit be willing and ready, the flesh is frail and wavering, and through your quietness I shall be much more composed. Above all I desire you to bear me witness that I die here in the faith of Jesus Christ; desiring you to help me with your prayers, that I may persevere constant in the same unto my end."

After this, turning himself again, he kneeled down. Then Dr. Cox, who was present to counsel and advise him, delivered a certain scroll into his hand, wherein was contained a brief confession unto God. This being read the duke stood up again without any trouble of mind, and first bade the sheriffs farewell, then the lieutenant of the Tower, and others, taking them all by the hand which were upon the scaffold with him. Then he gave money to the executioner; which done, he put off his gown, and kneeling down again in the straw, untied his shirt strings. After that, the executioner coming to him turned down his collar about his neck and all other things which hindered him. Then lifting up his eyes to heaven and covering his face with his own handkerchief, he laid himself down along, shewing no trouble or fear, neither did his countenance change. But because his doublet covered his neck, he was commanded to rise up and put it off; and then laying himself down again upon the block, and calling thrice upon the name of Jesus, saying, "Lord Jesus, save me," as he was the third time repeating the same, even as the name of Jesus was in uttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head and life, and slept in the Lord; being taken away from all dangers and evils of this life, and resting in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and gospel he always shewed himself an excellent instrument and member, and therefore hath received the reward of his labour.

He was a man of extraordinary virtues, of great candour, and eminent piety: he was always a promoter of justice, and a patron of the oppressed. He was a better soldier than statesman, being too easy and open-hearted to be so cautious as such times and such employments required. The people saw that all this conspiracy, for which he and the other four suffered, was only a forgery: the other accomplices were quickly discharged, and Palmer, the chief witness, became Northumberland's particular confident: and even those indiscreet words which the duke had spoken in his warmth, and his gathering armed men about him, was imputed to Palmer's artifices, who had put him in fear of his life, and thus made him do and say those things for which he lost it. His four friends all ended their lives, with the most solemn protestations of innocence; and the whole matter was looked on as a contrivance of Northumberland's, by which he entirely lost the affections of the people. The chief objection to the duke was, his having raised much of his estate out of the spoils of bishops' lands, and his palace out of the ruins of some churches; and to this was added a remark, that he did not claim the benefit of the clergy, which would have saved him. Since he had so spoiled the church, they imputed it to a particular judgment on him that he forgot it; but in this they were mistaken, for in the act by which he was condemned, it was provided that no clergy should purge that felony--another proof, if it were wanting, that he was the innocent victim of a cruel conspiracy.

The day after the duke of Somerset's execution, a session of parliament was assembled. The first act which passed established the common prayer-book, as it was now amended. The bishops were required to proceed by the censures of the church against such as used it not: they also authorized the book of ordinations, and enacted the same penalties against offenders, that were in the act for the former book three years before. The papists took occasion of the changes now made to say, that the new doctrines and ways of worship changed as fast as the fashions. It was answered, that if was no wonder if corruptions, which had been creeping in for a thousand years, were not all discovered and thrown out at once; and since they had been every age making additions of new ceremonies, it might be excused if the purging them out was done by such easy degrees. The book was not to be received till All-hallows, because it was hoped that in the interval the reformation of the ecclesiastical laws would have been finished. The following law passed for holy-days and fasts--"No days are to be esteemed holy in their own nature, but by reason of those holy duties which ought to be done in them, for which they were dedicated to the service of God. Days are esteemed to be dedicated only to the honour of God, even those in which the saints were commemorated. Sundays, and the other holy-days, are to be religiously observed, and the bishops are to proceed to censures against offenders. The eves before them are to be fasts, and abstinence from flesh are enacted both in Lent and on Fridays and Saturdays." The liberty to tradesmen to work on these days, was abused to a public profanation of them, and the stricter clauses in the act were little regarded. An act also passed empowering churchwardens to gather collections for the poor, and the bishops to proceed against such as refused to contribute; which, though it was a bill that taxed the people, yet had its rise in the house of lords. An act likewise passed for the marriage of the clergy. Whereas the former act about it was thought only a permission of it, as some other unlawful things were connived at; upon which the wives and children of the clergy were reproachfully used, and the word of God was not heard with due reverence; therefore their marriages were declared good and valid. The bishopric of Westminster was reunited to London, only the collegiate church was still continued.

The convocation now confirmed the articles of religion which had been prepared in the former year, and thus was the reformation of worship and doctrine brought to such a degree, that since that time there has been very little alteration made. One branch of it was still unfinished, and was now under consultation, touching the government of the church, and the rules of the ecclesiastical courts. Two acts had passed in the former reign, and one in this, empowering a commission to revise all the laws of the church, and digest them into a body. King Henry had issued the commission, and the persons were name who made some progress in it, as appears by some of Cranmer's letters to him. In this reign it had been begun several times; but the changes in the government had caused it to be laid aside. Thirty-two were found to be too many for preparing the first draught, so that eight were appointed to make it ready for them: these were Cranmer, Ridley, Petre, Martyr, Trahern, Taylor, Lucas, and Gosnold, two bishops, two divines, two civilians, and two common lawyers; but it was generally believed that Cranmer drew it entirely by himself, while the rest only corrected what he designed. Haddon and Cheek were employed to put it in Latin; in which they succeeded so well, and arrived at so true a purity in the Roman style that it is equal to a work of the best ages. The work was cast into fifty-one title; perhaps it was designed to bring it near the number of the books into which Justinian digested the Roman law. The eight finished it, and offered it to the thirty-two; who divided themselves into four classes, every one of which was to offer his corrections, and when it had passed through them all, it was to be presented to the king for his confirmation; but he died before it was quite finished.

The principal objects of this bill are well worthy of being known. The first title was concerning the catholic faith: it was made capital to deny the christian religion. The books of scripture were reckoned up, and the apocrypha left out. The four first general councils were received; but both councils and fathers were to be submitted to only as they agreed with the scriptures. The second enumerates and condemns many heresies, extracted out of the opinions of the church of Rome, and the tenets of the anabaptists. The judgment of heresy was to lie in the bishop's court, except in exempted places. Persons suspected might be required to purge themselves, and those who were convicted, were to abjure and do penance; but such as were obstinate were declared infamous, and not to have the benefit of the law, or of making testaments, and so all capital proceedings for heresies were laid aside. Blasphemy against God was to be punished as obstinate heresy. Bishops were appointed once a year to call all their clergy together to examine them concerning their flocks: and itinerant preachers were to be often employed for visiting such precincts as might be put under their care. All marriages were to be after bans, and to be annulled if not done according to the book of common prayer. Corrupters of virgins were to marry them; or if that could not be done, to give them the third part of their goods, and suffer punishment. Marriages made by force, or without consent of parents, were declared null. Polygamy was forbid. A clergyman guilty of adultery was to forfeit the half, and be banished or imprisoned during life; wives who were guilty were to be punished in the same manner. The innocent party might marry again after a divorce. Desertion, or mortal enmity, or the constant perverseness of a husband might induce a divorce. Patrons were charged to give presentations without making bargains; to choose the fittest persons, and not to make promises till the livings were vacant. The bishops were required to use great strictness in the trial of those whom they ordained; all pluralities and non-residence were condemned, and all who were presented were to pledge themselves of simony by oath. All superstitious purgations were condemned. The communion was to be every Sunday in cathedrals, and a sermon to be in the afternoon: such as received the sacrament were to give notice to the minister the day before, that he might examine them. The catechism was appointed to be explained an hour in the afternoon on holy-days. After the evening prayer the poor were to be taken care of. Penances were to be enjoined to scandalous persons; and the minister was to confer with some of the ancients of the people concerning the state of the parish, that admonitions might be applied as there was occasion. A rural dean was to be in every precinct to watch over the clergy according to the bishop's direction: archdeacons were to be over them, and the bishop over all; who was to have yearly synods, and visit every third year. His family was to consist of clergymen, in imitation of St. Austin, and other ancient bishops; these he was to train up for the service of the church. When bishops became infirm they were to have co-adjutors; archbishops were to do the episcopal duties in their diocese, and to visit their province. Every synod was to begin with a communion, and after that, the ministers were to give an account of their parishes, and follow such directions as the bishop should give them. A scheme was drawn of excommunication, which was entrusted to churchmen for keeping the church pure, and was not to be inflicted but for obstinacy in some gross fault. Such as had the king's pardon for capital offences were yet liable to church-censures. Then followed the office of absolving penitents: they were to come to the church-door and crave admittance, and the minister having brought them in, was to read a long discourse concerning sin, repentance, and the mercies of God. Then the party was to confess his sin, and to ask God and the congregation pardon; upon which the minister was to lay his hands on his head, and to pronounce the absolution. Then a thanksgiving was to be offered to God at the communion-table for the reclaiming that sinner. The other heads of this work relate to the other parts of the law of those courts.

There were at this time remedies under consideration for the great misery and poverty of the clergy: but the laity were so much concerned to oppose them, that there was no hope of bringing them to any good effect, till the king should come to be of age, and endeavour to recover again a competent maintenance for them out of the hands of those who had devoured their revenues. Heath and Day, the bishops of Worcester and Chichester, were this year deprived of their bishoprics, by a court of delegates composed all of laymen: but it does not appear for what offences they were suspended. The bishoprics of Gloucester and Worcester were united, and put under Hooper's care; but soon after, the former was made an exempted archdeaconry, and he was declared bishop only of Worcester. In every see, as it became vacant, the best manors were seized by such hungry courtiers as had the interest to procure the grant of them. It was thought, that the bishops' sees were so enriched, that they could never be made poor enough: and such haste was made in spoiling them, that they were reduced to a condition hardly possible for a bishop to subsist in them. If what had been thus taken from them had been converted to good uses, such as supplying the inferior clergy, it had been some mitigation of the robbery: but their lands were taken up by laymen, who thought of making no compensation for the spoils.

This year the reformation had gained more ground in Ireland than formerly. Henry VIII. had assumed to himself, by consent of the parliament of that kingdom, the title of king of Ireland: the former kings of England having only been called lords of it. The popes and emperors pretended that such titles could be given only by them: the former said, all power in heaven and earth was given to Christ, and by consequence to his vicar. The latter, as carrying the title of Roman emperor, pretended that as the imperial power anciently bestowed those titles, so it devolved on him who retained only the name and shadow of that great authority. But princes and states have thought they may bring themselves under what titles they please. Though the kings of England were well obeyed within the English pale, yet the Irish continued barbarous and uncivilized, and were guided entirely by the heads of their names or tribes, and were obedient or rebellious as they directed them. In Ulster they had a great dependance on Scotland, and there were some risings there, during the war with that country, which were quieted by giving the leading men pensions, and getting them to come and live within the English pale. Monluc, bishop of Valence, being then in Scotland, went over thither to raise new commotions; but his efforts had no effect. While he was there his lasciviousness came to be discovered by an odd accident: a woman of the town, brought to him by some English friars, and secretly kept by him, searching among his clothes, fell on a small bottle of something very odoriferous, and drank it off; which being discovered by the bishop, put him in a most violent passion, for it had been given him as a present by Solyman the magnificent, when he was ambassador at his court. It was called the richest balm of Egypt, and valued at 2000 crowns. His rage grew so boisterous that all about him discovered both his passion and lewdness at once. The reformation was set up in the English pale, but had made small progress among the Irish. This year Basle was sent over to labour among them. He was an eager writer, and a learned zealous man. Goodaker was sent to be primate of Armagh, and Basle was to be bishop of Ossory. Two Irishmen were also promoted with them; who undertook to advance the reformation there. The archbishop of Dublin intended to have ordained them by the old pontifical, and all except Basle were willing it should be so; but he prevailed that it should be done according to the new book of ordinations: after that he went into his diocese, but found all there in dark popery, and before he could make any progress the king's death put an end to his designs.

The world had long been anxiously looking for the result of the council of Trent, trusting that it might lead to the establishment of order throughout the European countries; which appeared no less to have been desired both by princes and bishops in hopes that differences of religion would have been composed, and the corruptions of the court of Rome reformed by it. This had made the pope very apprehensive of it: but such was the cunning of the legates, the number of Italian bishops, and the dissensions of the princes, that it had an effect quite contrary to what all sides expected. The breach in religion became past reconciling by the positive decisions they made: the abuses of the court of Rome were confirmed by the provisos made in favour of the privileges of the apostolic see: and the world was at length so cured of their longings for a general council, that none has been since that time desired. The history of that council was written with great exactness and judgment by father Paul, of Venice, while it was yet fresh in all men's memories; and though it discovered the whole secret of the transactions there, yet none set himself to write against it for forty years; then Pallavicini at last undertook it, and upon the credit of many memorials. In many things he contradicts father Paul; but in the main of the history they both agree, so far that it is manifest things were not fairly carried, and that matters were managed by intrigue rather than fair and open discussion.

Prince Maurice declared for the liberty of Germany, and took Augsburgh, and several other towns. The kings of France fell upon the empire with a great force, and by surprise made himself master of Metz and Verdun, and thought to have got Strasburgh. Maurice sent his demands to the emperor for the landgrave's liberty, and for restoring the freedom of the empire: but the emperor being slow in making answer, he marched on to Inspruck, where he surprised a post, and was within two miles of him before he was aware of it, so that the emperor was forced to flee, nor stopped till he was safe in Italy. Thus the very army and prince which had been chiefly instrumental in the ruin of the empire, now again asserted its freedom; and the emperor's great design on Germany was so blasted, that he could never after put any life in it. He was forced to discharge his prisoners, and to call in the proscriptions; and after some treaty, the edict of Passa was made by which the free exercise of the protestant religion was granted to the princes and towns: and thus did that storm which had almost overwhelmed the princes of that persuasion end, without any other considerable effect beyond the translation of the electorial dignity from John to Maurice. The emperor's misfortunes increased on him, for against all reason he besieged Metz in December, and after he had ruined his army in it he was forced to raise the siege. He retired into Flanders in such discontent that for some time he would not admit any to approach him. There it was believed he first formed that design, which some years after he put in execution, of forsaking the world, and exchanging the pomp of a court for the retirement of a monastery. This strange turn in his affairs gave a great demonstration of an over-ruling Providence governing all human affairs, and of that particular care that God had of the reformation, in recovering it when it seemed to be lost, and hopeless of recovery in the German states.

In the year 1553, another visitation took place in England. Visitors were sent to examine what plate was in every church, and to leave in each only one or two chalices of silver, with linen for the communion-table and for surplices; to bring all other things of value to the treasurer of the king's household, and to sell the rest and give it to the poor. But from these and numerous other changes, the public attention soon became diverted by a rumour of the young king's alarming affliction. His wisdom and virtue were appreciated in all parts of the land, and for his own sake as well as on account of the reformation, the rumour excited deep and general lamentation.

He had contracted cold by violent exercises, which in January settled into so obstinate a cough that all the skill of physicians and the aid of medicine proved ineffectual. There was a suspicion taken up and spread over all Europe that he was poisoned: but no certain grounds appear for justifying it. During this sickness, Ridley preached before him, and among other things spoke much on charity, and the duty of men of high condition to be eminent in good works. The king was much touched with this; and, after sermon, he sent for the bishop, and treated him with such respect that he made him sit down covered: he then told him what impression his exhortation had made on him, and desired to be directed by him how to do his duty in that matter. Ridley took a little time to consider of it, and after some consultation with the lord mayor and aldermen of London, he brought the king a scheme of several foundations: one for the sick and wounded; another for such as were wilfully idle: and a third for orphans. Without delay Edward endowed St. Bartholomew's hospital for the first, Bridewell for the second, and Christ church, near Newgate, for the third; enlarging the grant he made the former year for St. Thomas's hospital in Southwark. The statutes and warrants relating to these were not finished before the 26th of June, though he gave order to make all the haste that was possible: and when he set his hand to them he blessed God for prolonging his life till he finished his designs concerning them. These houses have, by the good government and great charities of the city of London, continued to be so useful, and grown to be so well endowed, that they may be reckoned among the noblest in Europe.

The king bore his sickness with great submission to the will of God, and seemed concerned in nothing so much as the state that religion and the church would be in after his death. The duke of Suffolk had three daughters: the eldest was married to the lord Guildford Dudley, son to the duke of Northumberland; the second to the earl of Pembroke's eldest son; and the third to one Keys. The duke of Northumberland married also his two daughters; one to sir Henry Sydney, and the other to the earl of Huntingdon's eldest son. He grew to be so much hated by the people, that the jealousy of the king's being poisoned was fastened on him. But he regarded these things little, and resolved to improve the fears the king was in concerning religion to the advantage of lady Jane Grey. Edward was easily persuaded to order the judges to put some articles, which he had signed for the succession of the crown, in the common form of law. They answered that the succession being settled by act of parliament, could not be taken away except by the same authority; yet the king required them to do what he commanded them. But the next time they came to the council they declared, that it had been made treason to change the succession by an act passed in this reign, so that they could not meddle with it. Montague was chief justice, and spoke in the name of the rest. On this Northumberland fell into a great passion against him, calling him traitor for refusing to obey the king's commands. The judges were not shaken by his threatenings; and they were again brought before the king, who sharply rebuked them for their delays: but they said that all they could do would be of no force without a parliament, yet they were required to perform it in the best manner they could.

At last Montague desired they might first receive pardon for what they were to do, which being granted, all the judges, except Gosnold and Hale, agreed to the patent, and delivered their opinion that the lord chancellor might put the seal to it, and that then it would be good in law. The former of these was at last wrought on; so that Hale was the only man who stood out to the last: he was a zealous protestant, and would not give his opinion against his conscience upon any consideration whatsoever. The privy counsellors were next required to set their hands to it: Cecil, in a relation he wrote of this transaction, says that hearing some of the judges declare so positively that it was against law, he refused to set his hand to it as a privy counsellor, but signed it only as a witness to the king's subscription. Cranmer stood out long, he came not to the council when it was passed, and refused to consent to it when he was pressed to it; for he said he would never have a hand in disinheriting his late master's daughters. The dying king was at last set on him, and by his importunity prevailed with him to do it; upon which the seal was put to the patents. The distemper continued to increase, so that the physicians despaired of the king's recovery. A confident woman undertook his cure, and he was put into her hands; but she left him worse than she found him; and this heightened the jealousy against the duke of Northumberland, who had introduced her, and put the physicians away. At last, to crown his designs, he got the king to write to his sisters Mary and Elizabeth, to come and divert him in his sickness: and the matter of the exclusion had been carried so secretly, that they apprehending no danger had begun their journey.

On the 6th of July the king felt death approaching, and prepared himself for it in the most devout manner. He was often heard offering up prayers and ejaculations to God. A few moments before he died he prayed earnestly that God would take him out of this wretched life, and committed his spirit to him; interceding very fervently for his subjects, that God would preserve England from popery, and maintain his true religion among them. Then turning his face, and seeing who was by him, he said unto them, "Are ye so nigh? I thought ye had been further off." Dr. Owen said, "We heard you speak to yourself, but what you said we know not." He then smiling said, "I was praying to God." The last words of his life were these, "I am faint, Lord have mercy upon me, and take my spirit." Soon after that he breathed out his pious soul to God, his emaciated body resting in Sir Henry Sydney's arms. Endeavours were used to conceal his death for some days, with design to draw his sisters into the snare before they should be aware of it, but that could not be done.

Thus died Edward VI. in the sixteenth year of his age. He was counted the wonder of that time; he was not only learned in the tongues, and the liberal sciences, but knew well the state of his kingdom. He kept a book in which he had written the characters of all the eminent men of the nation; he studied fortification, and understood the mint well: he knew the harbours in all his dominions, with the depth of water, and way of coming into them. He understood foreign affairs so well, that the ambassadors who were sent into England published very extraordinary things of him in the several courts of Europe. He had great quickness of apprehension; but being distrustful of his memory, he took notes of every thing he heard that was considerable, in Greek characters, that those about him might not understand what he wrote.

The following anecdote related of him may serve to shew, that the playfulness of youth would sometimes break out amidst the dignity of the monarch. He resided much at Greenwich, and being there on St. George's day, in the fourth year of his reign, when he was come from the sermon into the presence-chamber, there being his uncle the duke of Somerset, the duke of Northumberland, with other lords and knights of that order, called, "The Order of the Garter," he said to them, "My lords, I pray you, what Saint is St. George, that we here so honour him?" At which question the lords being all astonished, the lord treasurer gave answer and said, "If it please your majesty, I never read in any history of St. George, but only Legenda aurea, where it is thus set down: 'St. George out with his sword, and run the dragon through with his spear.'" The king could not a great while speak for laughing, and at length said, "I pray you, my lord, and what did he with his sword the while?"

His virtues were wonderful: when he was made to believe, that his uncle was guilty of conspiring the death of the other counsellors, he upon that abandoned him. Barnaby Fitzpatrick was his favourite, and when he sent him to travel he often wrote to him, to keep good company, to avoid excess and luxury, and to improve himself in those things that might render him capable of employment on his return. He was afterwards made lord of Upper Ossory in Ireland, by queen Elizabeth, and well answered the hopes which this excellent king had of him. Edward was very merciful in his nature, which appeared in his unwillingness to sign the warrant for burning the Maid of Kent. He took great care to have his debts well paid, reckoning that a prince who breaks his faith and loses his credit, has thrown up that which he can never recover, and made himself liable to perpetual distrust and extreme contempt. He took special care of the petitions that were given him by poor and oppressed people. But his great zeal for religion crowned all the rest. It was not a temporary heat about it that excited him, but it was a true tenderness of conscience, founded on the love of God and his neighbours.

These extraordinary qualities, set off with great sweetness and affability, made him universally beloved by his people. Some called him their Josiah, others Edward the Saint, and others the Phoenix that rose out of his mother's ashes. All people concluded, that the sins of England must have been very great, since they provoked God to deprive the nation of so signal a blessing, as the rest of his reign would, to all appearance, have proved. Bishop Ridley, and the other good men of that time, made great lamentations of the vices, which were grown then so common, that men had passed all shame in them. Luxury, oppression, and a hatred of religion had over-run the higher ranks of people, who gave a countenance to the reformation, merely to rob the church; but by that, and their other practices, were become a great scandal to so good a work. The inferior classes were so much in the power of the priests, who were still, notwithstanding their outward compliance, papists in heart, and were so much offended at the spoil they saw made of all good endowments, without putting other and more useful ones in their room, that they who understood little of religion, laboured under great prejudices against every thing that was done in such a manner. And these things, as they provoked God highly, so they disposed the people much to that sad catastrophe which was experienced in the following reign.

 


--Footnote marker a--BT 4 words "the sacrament but penitents"

This sounds strange to modern Christian ears: but by penitents are here evidently meant persons suspended for a time for certain offences from the communion of the church, and are supposed to bewail what they have done.
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--Footnote marker b--BT 4 words "and they are life"

It is remarkable that in the ninth century, many of the greatest men wrote against the real presence, and none of them were condemned as heretics. The contrary opinion was then received in England, as appeared by the Saxon homily, which was read on Easter day, in which are several of Bertram's words. It was generally received in the eleventh century, and fully established in the fourth council in the Lateran. At first it was believed that the whole loaf was turned into one entire body, so that in the distribution every one had a small part given him; and according to that conceit it was pretended, that it often bled, and was turned into flesh. But this seemed an indecent way of handling Christ's glorified body, so that the schoolmen invented a more seemly notion--that such a body might be in a place after the manner of a spirit, so that in every crumb there was an entire Christ. This, though it appeared hard to be conceived, yet generally prevailed, after which the miracles fitted for the former opinion were more heard of, but new ones agreeing to this hypothesis were imposes in their stead. So dexterously did the priests deceive the world, until the time arrived for the great standing deception of the host!
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--Footnote marker c--BT 4 words "present number, thirty nine"

In the ancient church there was at first a great simplicity in their creeds; but afterwards, upon the breaking out of heresies concerning the person of Christ, equivocal senses being put on the terms formerly used, new ones, which could not be so easily eluded, were invented. A humour of explaining mysteries by similes and niceties, and of passing anathemas on all who did not receive these, was very common in the church: and though the council of Ephesus decreed that no new additions should be made to the creed, yet that did not restrain those who loved to make their own conceits be received as parts of the faith.
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--Footnote marker d--BT 4 words "lands, and his palace"

That beautiful building and ornament of the country, Somerset-house, in the Strand, London.
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--Footnote marker e--BT 4 words "wonder of that time"

The preceding year, Cardan the great philosopher of that age passed through England on his return from Scotland to the Continent. He waited on the youthful king, and was so charmed with his great knowledge and rare qualities, that he always spoke of him as the most excellent character of his age he had ever seen: and after his death, he wrote the following account of him.

"All the graces were in him: he understood many tongues when he was yet but a child; together with the English, he knew both Latin and French; he also understood Greek, Italian, and Spanish. Nor was he ignorant of logic, of the principles of natural philosophy, or of music. The sweetness of his temper was admirable. His gravity became the majesty of a king, and his disposition was suitable to his high degree. These things are not spoken rhetorically, and beyond the truth, but are indeed short of it. When I was with him, he was in his fifteenth year, in which he spake Latin politely and promptly. He asked me what was the subject of my book, De rerum veritate, which I dedicated to him? I answered, that in the first chapter I gave the true cause of comets, which had been long enquired into, but was never found out before. On his asking the cause, I said it was the concourse of the light of wandering stars. He asked how that could be, since the stars move in different motions? How came it that the comets were not dissipated, or did not move after them according to their motions? To this I answered, 'They do move after them, but much quicker than they, by reason of the different aspect; as we see in crystal, or when a rainbow rebounds from a wall: for a little change makes a great difference of place.' The king said, 'How can that be, where there is no subject to receive that light as the wall is the subject for the rainbow?' To this I answered, That this was as in the milky-way, or where many candles were lighted; the middle place where their shining met was white and clear." From this sample it may be imagined what he was. The ingenuity and sweetness of his disposition had raised in all good and learned men, the greatest expectation of him possible. He began to love the liberal arts before he knew them, and to know them that he might use them: and in him there was such an attempt of nature, that not only England, but the world hath reason to lament his being so early snatched away. How truly was it said of such extraordinary persons, that their lives are short, and seldom do they come to be old! He gave us an essay of virtue, though he did not live long to give a pattern of it. When the gravity of a king was needful, he carried himself like an old man, and yet he was always affable and gentle, as became his age. These extraordinary blossoms gave but too good reason of fear, that a fruit which ripened so fast could not last long.

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The Reign of Queen Mary

Accession and deposition of the Lady Jane Grey--First entering of Queen Mary to the crown--Alterations of religion, and other perturbances happening the same time in England.

The attention of British protestants is now called to a period of church history which cannot fail to awaken in their hearts that sympathy for their ancestors, which at present lies dormant in too many bosoms. A long career of religious prosperity appears to have obliterated from their minds the cruel persecutions of their forefathers, who for them bled in every vein--for them were consigned to devouring flames in every part of their country--preparing and establishing for their descendants, by the sacrifice of themselves, genuine liberty of person and of conscience. And while we review with gratitude and admiration effects produced by such causes, let us learn to appreciate those blessings which, by the continued providence of God, we have so long enjoyed.

It has been asserted by Roman catholics, that all those who suffered death during the reign of queen Mary, had been adjudged guilty of high treason, in consequence of their having stood up in defence of lady Jane Grey's title to the crown. To disprove this, however, is no difficult matter, since every one conversant in history must know, that those who are tried on the statute of treason are to be hanged or beheaded. How can even papists affirm that ever men in England were burned for this crime? Some few suffered death in the ordinary way of process at common law, for their adherence to lady Jane; but none of those were burned. Why, if traitors, were they taken before the bishops, who have no power to judge in criminal cases? Even allowing the bishops, as peers, to have had power to judge, yet their own bloody statute did not empower them to execute. The proceedings against the martyrs are still extant, and they were carried on directly according to the forms prescribed by their own statute. There was not one of those burned in England ever accused of high-treason, much less were they tried at common law. And this should teach the reader to value a history of transactions in their own country, particularly of their blessed martyrs, in order that they may be able to see through the veil which falsehood has cast over the face of truth. It should also be observed, that Mary's title to the throne was acknowledge by a very large number whom she burned as heretics, and that none of her burnings were considered necessary to render her throne and crown secure.

What time king Edward, by long sickness, became more feeble and weak, the marriage was provided, concluded, and shortly after solemnized in May, 1553, between the lord Guilfor, son of the duke of Northumberland, and lady Jane Grey, daughter of the duke of Suffolk, and grand-niece of Henry VIII. When king Edward was dead, this lady Jane was established in the kingdom by the nobles' consent, and proclaimed queen at London, and in other cities where was any great resort. In the meantime, while things were working at London, Mary, who had knowledge of her brother's death, wrote to the lords of the council, reminding them of her title to the crown, and complaining the preparations made to withstand her. "Wherefore, my lords," she concluded, "we require you, and charge you and every one of you, that of your allegiance which you owe to God and us, and to none other, for our honour and the surety of our person, only employ yourselves; and forthwith, upon receipt hereof, cause our right and title to the crown and government of this realm to be proclaimed in our city of London and other places, as to your wisdom shall seem good, and as to this case appertaineth; not failing hereof, as our very trust is in you. And this letter, signed with our hand, shall be your sufficient warrant in this behalf."

To this letter the lords of the council replied, that after king Edward's death the lady Jane was invested with and possessed the just right and title to the imperial crown by the ancient laws of the realm, and also by the late king's letters patent, sealed with the great seal of England in presence of the most part of the nobles, councillors, and judges, with divers others grave and sage personages, assenting and subscribing to the same; and that they must therefore, as of most bounded duty and allegiance, assent unto her said grace, and to none other. At the same time reminding the lady Mary, that the marriage between her father and the lady Katharine being declared null, she was justly made illegitimate and uninheritable to the crown. "Wherefore," they said, "we can no less do, but, for the quiet both of the realm and you also, advertise you to surcease by any pretence to vex and molest any of our sovereign lady queen Jane's subjects from their true faith and allegiance due unto her grace: assuring you, that if you will for respect show yourself quiet and obedient, (as you ought,) you shall find us all and several ready to do you any service that we with duty may, and be glad, with your quietness, to preserve the common state of this realm, wherein you may be otherwise grievous unto us, to yourself, and to them. And thus we bid you most heartily well to fare, your ladyship's friends, showing yourself an obedient subject. From the Tower of London, in this ninth of July, 1553."

This letter was signed by Canterbury, Winchester, Ely, Northumberland, Bedford, Northampton, Suffolk, Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Riche, and twelve other lords of the council. On receiving which the lady Mary withdrew into Norfolk and Suffolk, where the duke of Northumberland was hated for the service that had been done there under king Edward, in subduing the rebels; and there, gathering to her such aid of the common people on every side as she might, kept herself close for a space within Framlingham castle. Here she was joined by many who promised her their aid, on condition that she would not attempt the alteration of the religion established by king Edward. This was readily agreed to by Mary; upon which they asserted her right, and she promised to maintain the true religion, and the laws of the land.

Northumberland's proceeding against the duke of Somerset, and the suspicions that lay on him as the author of the late king's untimely death, begat a great aversion in the people to him, which disposed them to set up queen Mary. She in the mean time was very active. She gathered all in the neighbouring counties about her. The men of Suffolk were generally for the reformation, and a great body of them came to her, and asked if she would promise not to alter the religion established in king Edward's days. She assured them she would make no changes; but should be content with the private exercise of her own religion. Upon this they all vowed to live and die with her. The earl of Sussex and several others, raised forces and proclaimed her queen. When this reached the knowledge of the council, they sent the earl of Huntingdon's brother to raise men in Buckinghamshire, and meet the forces that should be sent from London, at Newmarket.

The duke of Northumberland was ordered to command the army. He was now much distracted in his thoughts; for it was of equal importance to keep London and the privy counsellors steady, and to conduct the army well: a misfortune in either of these was likely to be fatal to him. He was at a loss what to do: not a man of spirit who was firm to him could be left behind; and yet it was most necessary to disperse the force that was daily growing about queen Mary. The lady Jane and the council were removed to the Tower, not only for state, but for security; for here the council were upon the matter prisoners. He could do no more, but lay a strict charge on the council to be firm to lady Jane's interests. He therefore marched out of London with 2000 horse, and 6000 foot, on the 14th of July: but no acclamations or wishes of success were to be heard as he passed through the streets. The council gave the emperor notice of the lady Jane's succession, and complained of the disturbance that was raised by Mary, and that his ambassador had officiously meddled in their affairs; but the emperor would not receive the letters. Mary's party in the mean time continued daily to augment. Hastings went over to her with 4000 men out of Buckinghamshire, and she was proclaimed queen in many places. At length the privy council began to see their danger, and to think how to avoid it. The earl of Arundel hated Northumberland. The marquis of Winchester was dexterous in shifting sides for his advantage. The earl of Pembroke's son had married the lady Jane's sister, which made him think it necessary to redeem the danger he was in by a speedy turn. To these many others were joined. They pretended it was necessary to give an audience to the foreign ambassadors' who would not have it in the Tower: and the earl of Pembroke's house was chosen, he being least suspected.

When they got out, they resolved to declare for queen Mary, and rid themselves of Northumberland's uneasy yoke, which they knew they must bear if he were victorious. They sent for the lord mayor and aldermen, and easily gained their concurrence. They then went immediately to Cheapside, and proclaimed the queen; and from thence they went to St. Paul's, where Te deum was sung. They sent next to the Tower, requiring the duke of Suffolk to quit the government of that place, and the lady Jane to lay down the title of queen. To this she submitted with as much greatness of mind as her father shewed of abjectness. They sent also orders to Northumberland to dismiss his forces, and to obey Mary as queen; and the earl of Arundel and lord Paget were sent to carry these welcome tidings to her. When Northumberland heard of the change that was in London, he disbanded his forces, went to the market-place at Cambridge, where he then was, and proclaimed the queen. The earl of Arundel was sent to apprehend him, and when he was brought to him, in the most servile manner he fell at his feet to beg his favour. He and three of his sons, and Sir Thomas Palmer--his wicked instrument against the duke of Somerset--were all sent to the Tower. All people now flocked to implore the queen's favour, and Ridley among the rest; but he too was sent to the Tower: for she was both offended with him for his sermon, and resolved to put Bonner again in the see of London. Some of the judges, and several noblemen were also sent to the Tower; among the rest the duke of Suffolk, who was three days after set at liberty. He was a weak man, and could do little harm, he was consequently chosen as the first instance towards whom the queen should express her clemency.

She came to London on the 3rd of August, and on the way was met by her sister, lady Elizabeth, with a thousand horse, whom she had raised to come to the queen's assistance. On arriving at the Tower, she liberated the duke of Norfolk, the duchess of Somerset, and Gardiner; also the lord Courtenay, son to the mrquis of Exeter, who had been kept there ever since his father's attainder, whom she made earl of Devonshire. In this easy manner was Mary I. seated on the throne of England. To a disagreeable person and weak mind, she united bigotry, superstition, and cruelty. She seems to have inherited more of her mother's than her father's qualities. Henry was impatient, rough, and ungovernable; but Catherine, while she assumed the character of a saint, harboured bitter rancour and hatred against the protestants. It was the same with her daughter Mary, as appears from a letter in her own hand-writing, now in the British museum. In this letter, which is addressed to bishop Gardiner, she declares her fixed intention of burning every protestant; and it contains an insinuation, that as soon as circumstances would permit, she would restore back to the church the lands that had been taken from the convents. This, however, discovers an ignorance, equalled only by her tyranny, for the convents had been demolished, except a few of their churches; and the rents were in the hands of the first nobility, who, rather than part with them, would have overturned the government both in church and state.

On some occasions Mary had discovered no small degree of subtilty. During her father's life, "The king's displeasure at her was such," says bishop Burnet, "that neither the duke of Norfolk no Gardiner durst venture to intercede for her." Cranmer was the only man who hazarded it, and did it effectually. But after her mother's death, she hearkened to other counsels, so that upon Anne Boleyn's fall, she made a full submission to her father, as was mentioned before. She did also in many letters which she writ both to her father and to Cromwell, "Protest great sorrow for her former stubbornness, and declared, that she put her soul in his hand, and that her conscience should be always directed by him; and being asked what her opinion was concerning pilgrimages, purgatory, and reliques, she answered, that she had no opinion, but such as she received from the king, who had her whole heart in his keeping, and might imprint upon it in these and in all other matters whatever his inestimable virtue, high wisdom, and excellent learning, should think convenient for her." So perfectly had she learned the style that she knew was most acceptable to her father.

Her promise to the Suffolk men also shewed the craft of her character, which was eqalled only by its cruelty. The sword of power being now in her hand, she began to employ it against those who had supported the title of lady Jane Grey. This devoted victim remained with her husband, lord Guildford, almost five months in the Tower, waiting her pleasure. The duke of Northumberland had offers of pardon on condition of renouncing his religion and hearing mass; which he not only did, but also exhorted the people to return to the catholic faith. Notwithstanding this, within a month after confinement he was condemned and beheaded. The papists immediately published and spread abroad his recantation; but the duke, in consequence of his crimes arising from a sordid ambition, died unpitied; nay, he was insulted on the scaffold by those who remembered in what manner he had acted to their beloved Somerset.

Sir Thomas Palmer and Sir John Gates were the next who suffered. The former confessed his faith in the reformed religion, and lamented that he had not lived more conformably to its precepts. Mary having thus begun her reign with the blood of these men, and with hearing mass in the Tower, clearly evinced the career in which she intended to proceed, and that she should but little regard the promise she had made to the Suffolk men. Besides these ill omens, there were other things which every day more and more discomfited the people, and which too plainly betrayed the queen's aversion to the reformation. Gardiner was made lord chancellor and bishop of Winchester. Bonner was advanced to the bishopric of London, by displacing Ridley. Day was promoted to the see of Durham, by displacing Scory. Tonstal was made bishop of Chichester, and Heath bishop of Worcester: Hooper was committed to the Fleet; and Vesie was made bishop of Exeter, by removing Miles Coverdale. All these innovation greatly alarmed the protestants, and afforded equal rejoicings to their enemies. Having thus laid the foundation of her reign in blood and treachery, Mary removed from the Tower to Hampton-court, and caused a parliament to be summoned on the 10th of October ensuing.

We have mentioned Dr. Ridley, bishop of London, among those who were removed. He was a learned and pious prelate, who in the time of queen Jane, by order of the council, preached a sermon at Paul's Cross, declaring his opinion concerning the lady Mary, and enumerating the evils that might arise by admitting her to the crown: prophesying, as it were, that she would bring in a foreign power to reign over them, and subvert the christian religion then happily established. This, with another sermon after things were changed, disconcerted the queen beyond measure. The Sunday following her accession to the throne, Mr. Rogers preached, discoursing very learnedly on the gospel for the day. Whereupon Mary, perceiving things not to go forward according to her mind, consulted with her council how to bring about by other means, what by open law she could not well accomplish; and accordingly, by proclamation, prohibited any man from preaching or reading openly the word of God in churches, except by licence, which Gardiner took care to give only to such as would conform to his doctrine. The clergy differed in opinion how far they were bound to obey this prohibition: some thought they might forbear public preaching when they were so required, if they made it up by private conferences and instructions: others thought, that if this had been only a particular hardship upon a few, regard to peace and order should have obliged them to submit to it; but since it was general, and done on purpose to extinguish the light of the gospel, they ought to go on, and preach at their peril. Of this last sort several were put in prison for their disobedience, among others Hooper and Coverdale.

On the 22d of August, the queen declared in council, That though she was fixed in her own religion, yet she would not compel others to its observance; but would leave that to the motions of God's Spirit, and the labours of good preachers. The day after Bonner went to St. Paul's, and Bourne his chaplain preached, and extolled Bonner much, inveighing against the sufferings he had undergone. He took occasion from the gospel of the day to speak largely in justification of Bonner, saying that four years ago he had preached from the same text, and in the same place, for which he was most cruelly and unjustly cast into that most vile dungeon the Marshalsea, where he was confined during the reign of king Edward. The sermon provoked his hearers so as to cause them to murmur and stir in such a sort, that the mayor and aldermen feared an uproar: some cast stones at the preacher, and one hurled a dagger at him. In short, the tumult became so violent that Bourne was silenced, broke off his discourse, and durst no more appear in that place; his discourse tended much to the dispraise of king Edward, which the people could in no wise endure. Mr. Bradford then stood forth, at the request of Mr. Bourne's brother, and spoke so mildly and effectually to the people, that with a few words quite pacified them. This done, he and Mr. Rogers conducted Mr. Bourne home; for which generous conduct they were both, shortly after, rewarded with long imprisonment, and at last with fire in Smithfield, under the pretence, that the authority they shewed in quelling the tumult was a proof of their being the authors of it!

It has already been intimated that all the pulpits were now put under an interdict, till the preachers should obtain a licence from Gardiner: and that he resolved to grant licences to none but such as would preach as he should direct them. His conduct encouraged the papists generally, and in their love of ancient rites and superstitions they began speedily to replace their images, and to revive their ceremonies in many of the churches. Every thing in fact seemed to threaten a subversion of the reformation, and the immediate re-establishment of all the errors and enormities of the Romish church.

 

 

The Reign of Queen Mary Continued

The report of the disputation had and begun in the convocation house at London, appointed by the Queen, Oct. 18, 1553.

On October 18th, Dr. Weston, who had been chosen prolocutor, certified to the house, that it was the queen's pleasure the learned men there assembled should debate of matters of religion, and constitute laws, which her grace and the parliament would ratify. "And for that," said he "there is a book of late set forth, called the Catechism, bearing the name of this honourable synod, and yet put forth without your consents, as I have learned; being a book very pestiferous, and full of heresies; and likewise learned; being a book very pestiferous, and full of heresies; and likewise a book of Common Prayer very abominable," as it pleased him to term it. "I thought it therefore best, first to begin with the articles of the Catechism, concerning the sacrament of the altar, to confirm the natural presence of Christ in the same, and also transubstantiation. Wherefore, it shall be lawful, on Friday next, for all men freely to speak their conscience in these matters, that doubts may be removed, and they satisfied therein."

The Friday coming, being the 20th of October, when men had thought they should have entered disputations of the questions proposed, the prolocutor exhibited two bills to the house: the one for the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, and the other concerning the Catechism, denying its being published by the consent of that house, requiring all them to subscribe to the same, as he himself had done. The whole house assented, except the deans of Rochester and Exeter, the archdeacons of Winchester, Hereford, and Buckingham, and one more.

And whilst the rest were about to subscribe these two articles, John Philpot spoke concerning the articles of the Catechism, and asserted that it had been composed by the order and authority of the convocation. Moreover, he said, as concerning the article of the natural presence in the sacrament, that it was against reason and order of learning, and also very prejudicial to the truth, that men should be moved to subscribe before the matter were thoroughly examined and discussed. But when he saw his allegation was to no purpose, he requested the prolocutor that there might be an equal number of persons of both sides concerned in this disputation, and desired that he would intercede with the lords, that some of those that were learned, and setters-forth of the same Catechism, might be admitted into the house; and that Dr. Ridley and Mr. Rogers, with two or three more, might be liberated to be present at this disputation, and to be associated with them. This request was thought reasonable, and was proposed to the bishops, who returned for answer, that it was out of their power to call such persons to the house, since some of them were prisoners; but they would petition the council in this behalf, and in case any of them were absent that ought to be of the house, they were agreeable to their admission. After this, they minding to have entered into disputation, there came a gentleman as messenger from the lord great master, signifying unto the prolocutor, that the lord great master and the earl of Devonshire would be present at the disputations, and therefore he deferred the same unto Monday, at one of the clock at afternoon. Upon that day, the prolocutor made a protestation, in the presence of many earls, lords, knights, gentlemen, and divers others of the court and of the city also, that they of the house had appointed this disputation, not to call in question the truth to which they had subscribed, but that those gainsayers might be resolved respecting their doubts.

Then he demanded of Mr. Haddon, whether he would reason against the questions proposed, or no. To whom he answered, that he had certified him before in writing that he would not, since the request of such learned men as were demanded to be assistant with them, would not be granted. Mr. Elmar was likewise asked, who made the like answer: adding that they had already too much injured the truth by their subscribing before the subjects were discussed. Mr. Weston, turning to Mr. Cheney, or Cheyney, desired to know whether he would propose his doubts concerning transubstantiation; when the latter answered, "I would gladly my doubts to be resolved which move me not to believe transubstantiation. The first is out of St. Paul to the Corinthians, who, speaking of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, called it ofttimes bread, after the consecration. The second is out of Origen, who, speaking of this sacrament, saith that the material part thereof goeth down to the excrements. The third is out of Theodoret, who making mention of the sacramental bread and wine after the consecration, saith, that they go not out of their former substance, form, and shape. These be some of my doubts, among many others, wherein I require to be answered."

Then the prolocutor assigned Dr. Moreman to answer him, who to St. Paul answered him thus: "The sacrament is called by him, bread indeed; but it is thus to be understood: that it is the sacrament of bread; that is, the form of bread." Then Mr. Cheney alleged, that Hesychius called the sacrament both bread and flesh. "Yea," said Moreman, "Hesychius calleth it bread, because it was bread, and not because it is so." And, passing over Origen, he came to Theodoret, and said, that men mistook his authority by interpreting a general into a special, as Peter Martyr has done in the place of Theodoret, interpreting ovoia for substance, which is a special signification of the word; whereas ovoia is a general word, as well to accidents as to substance. "And therefore I answer thus unto Theodoret: that the sacramental bread and wine do not go out of their former substance, form, and shape; that is to say, not out of their accidental substance and shape."

After this Mr. Cheney sat down; and by and by Mr. Elmar rose, declaring that Moreman's answer to Theodoret was not just or sufficient, but an illusion and subtle evasion, contrary to Theodoret's meaning," etc. After this stood up John Philpot; and then began a further discussion, in which Dr. Moreman, the dean of Rochester, and Dr. Watson took part. The night coming on, the proculator broke up the disputation for that time; and appointed Philpot to be the first that should begin the disputation next day, concerning the presence of Christ in the sacrament.

On Wednesday, October 25th, John Philpot was prepared to enter upon the disputation, minding first to have made a certain oration in Latin, of the matter of Christ's presence which was then in question; which the prolocutor perceiving, he forbade him to make any declaration or oration in Latin, but to deliver his arguments in English. After reminding him of what he had appointed, and that his arguments were prepared in Latin, Philpot added, "You have sore disappointed me, thus suddenly to go from your former order: but I will accomplish your commandment, leaving mine oration apart; and I will come to my arguments, which, as well as so sudden a warning can serve, I will make in English. But, before I bring forth any argument, I will, in one word, declare what manner of presence I disallow in the sacrament, to the intent the hearers may the better understand to what end and effect mine arguments shall tend; not to deny utterly the presence of Christ in his sacrament, truly ministered according to his institution; but only that gross and carnal presence, which you of this house have already subscribed unto, to be in the sacrament of the altar, contrary to the truth and manifest meaning of the Scriptures: That by transubstantiation of the sacramental bread and wine, Christ's natural body should, by the virtue of the words pronounced by the priest, be contained and included under the forms of bread and wine. This kind of presence, imagined by men, I do deny, and against this I will reason."

But before he could end his speech, he was interrupted by the prolocutor, and commanded to descend to his argument. "I am about it," quoth Philpot, "if you will let me alone. But first I must needs ask a question of my respondent, Dr. Chedsey, concerning a word or two of your supposition; that is, of the sacrament of the mass to be all one. "Then," quoth Philpot, "the sacrament of the altar, which ye reckon to be all one with the mass, once justly abolished, and now put in full use again, is no sacrament, neither is Christ in any wise present in it." This he offered to prove before the whole house, the queen and her council, or before six of the most learned men of that house of a contrary opinion, and refused none. "And if I shall not be able to maintain, by God's word, that I have said, and confound those six which shall take upon them to withstand me in this point, let me be burned with as many fagots as be in London, before the court gates!" This he uttered with great vehemency of spirit.

The prolocutor, urged by some that were about him, consented that he should be allowed an argument, so that he would be brief therein. "I will be as brief," qouth Philpot, "as I may conveniently. And, first, I will ground my arguments upon the authority of Scripture, whereon all the buildings of our faith ought to be grounded; and after I shall confirm the same by ancient doctors of the church. And I take the occasion of my first argument out of Matthew xxviii., of the saying of the angel to the three Marys, seeking Christ at the sepulchre, saying, "He is risen, he is not here;" and, Luke xxiii., the angel asketh them, "Why seek ye the living among the dead?" Likewise the Scripture testifieth that Christ is risen, ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father; all which is spoken of his natural body; therefore it is not on earth included in the sacrament. I will confirm this yet more effectually by the saying of Christ in John xvi.: "I came from my Father into the world, and now I leave the world and go away to my Father:" the which coming and going he meant of his natural body. Therefore we may affirm thereby, that it is not now in the world. But I look here to be answered with a blind distinction of visibly and invisibly, that he is visibly departed in his humanity, but invisibly he remaineth notwithstanding in the sacrament.--But I will prove that no such distinction ought to take away the force of that argument, by the answer which Christ's disciples gave unto him, speaking these words: 'Now thou speakest plainly, and utterest forth no proverb;' which words St. Cyril, interpreting, saith, 'That Christ spake without any manner of ambiguity and obscure speech.' And therefore I conclude hereby thus, that if Christ spake plainly and without parable, saying, 'I leave the world now, and go away to my Father,' then that obscure, dark, and imperceptible presence of Christ's natural body to remain in the sacrament upon earth invisibly, contrary to the plain words of Christ, ought not to be allowed; for nothing can be more uncertain, or more parabolical or insensible, than so to say. Here now will I attend what you will answer, and so descend to the confirmation of all that I have said, by ancient writers."

Then Dr. Chedsey took upon him to answer every point progressively. First to the saying of the angel, "Christ is not here;" and "Why seek ye the living among the dead?" he answered, that these sayings pertained nothing to the presence of Christ's natural body in the sacrament, but that they were spoken of Christ's body being in the sepulchre, when the three Marys thought him to have been in the grave still. And therefore, the angel said, "Why do ye seek him that liveth among the dead?" And to the authority of St. John, where Christ saith, "Now I leave the world and go to my Father;" he meant that of his ascension. And so likewise did Cyril, interpreting the saying of the disciples, who knew that Christ would visibly ascend to heaven; but that doth not exclude the invisible presence of his natural body in the sacrament. St. Chrysostom, writing to the people of Antioch, affirms the same, comparing Elias and Christ together, and Elias's cloak, and Christ's flesh. "When Elias," saith he, "was taken up in the fiery chariot, he left his cloak behind him unto his disciple Elisaeus. But Christ ascending into heaven, took his flesh with him, and left also his flesh behind him." From whence we may justly conclude, that Christ's flesh is visibly ascended into heaven, yet abideth invisibly in the sacrament of the altar.

Philpot replied, "You have not directly answered to the words of the angel, 'Christ is risen and is not here;' because you have omitted that which was the chief point. For I proceed further, as thus, He is risen, ascended, and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father: therefore he is not remaining on earth. Neither is your explication of Cyril sufficient. But I will presently return to your interpretation of Cyril, and plainly declare it, after I have refuted the authority of Chrysostom, which is one of the chief principles that you adduce to support your carnal presence in the sacrament; which being well understood, pertaineth nothing thereunto." The prolocutor was irritated and started with impatience to think that one of the chief pillars on this point should be overthrown. He therefore recited the authority in Latin, and afterwards turned it into English, calling the attention of all present to remark that saying of Chrysostom which he thought invincible on their side. "But I will make it appear," said Philpot, "that it serves little for your purpose, for I have two objections to propose; one drawn from Scripture, the other from he very place of Chrysostom himself.

"First, where he seemeth to say, that Christ ascending took his flesh with him, and left his flesh also behind him, truth it is: for we all do confess and believe that Christ took on him our human nature in the Virgin Mary's womb, and through his passion in the same, hath united us to his flesh; and thereby are we become one flesh with him: so that Chrysostom might thereby right well say, that Christ, ascending, took his flesh, which he received of the Virgin Mary, away with him; and also left his flesh behind him, which are we that be his elect in the world, who are the members of Christ, and flesh of his flesh, as very aptly St. Paul to the Ephesians, chap. v., doth testify: 'We are flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones.' And if percase any man will reply that he entreateth there of the sacrament, so that this interpretation cannot so aptly be applied unto him in that place, then will I yet interpret Chrysostom another way by himself. For in that place, a few lines before those words which were here now lately read, are these words: that Christ, after he ascended into heaven, left unto us, endued with his sacraments, his flesh in mysteries--that is, sacramentally. And that mystical flesh Christ leaveth as well to his church in the sacrament of baptism, as in the sacramental bread and wine. St. Paul doth witness, 'As many of us as are baptized in Christ have put upon us Christ;' and thus you may understand that St. Chrysostom maketh nothing for your carnal, and gross presence in the sacrament."

The fifth day's debate was opened on Friday, October 27th. The prolocutor began with observing, that the convocation had spent two days in disputing about one father, which was Theodoret, and about one Greek word, (ovoia;) and now they were assembled to answer all things that could be objected; therefore, he desired they would shortly propound their arguments. Upon this Haddon, dean of exeter, requested leave to oppose Mr. Watson, who, with Morgan and Harpsfield, were appointed to answer him. Mr. Haddon then demanded, if any substance of bread and wine remained after consecration? To which Watson replied by asking another question, namely, whether he thought there was a real presence of Christ's body or not? Mr. Haddon said, it was a breach of order that one, who was appointed respondent, should be opponent; nor should he, whose business was to object, answer. Mr. Haddon then proceeded to shew, from the words of Theodoret, that the substance of bread and wine remained; for his words are; "The same they were before the sanctification, which they are after." Mr. Watson said, that Theodoret meant not the same substance, but the same essence. On this they were driven again to a discussion of the Greek word above mentioned; and Mr. Haddon proved it to mean a substance, both by its etymology, and by the words of Theodoret. He then asked Watson, when the bread and wine became symbols? Watson answered, "After consecration, and not before." Then Mr. Haddon raised out of his author the following syllogism:

"Theodoret saith, that the same thing the bread and wine were before they were symbols, the same they still remain, in nature and substance, after they are symbols. Bread and wine they were before. Therefore bread and wine they are after." Mr. Cheyney addressing himself particularly to Mr. Watson, began after this manner. "You said that Mr. Haddon was not fit to dispute, because he had not granted the natural and real presence, but you are much less fit to answer, because you take away the substance of the sacrament." Watson said, that he had subscribed to the real presence, and should not go from that; but he would explain what he meant by subscribing to the real presence, far otherwise than they supposed. He then prosecuted Haddon's argument, proving that the Greek word before discussed was a substance, using the same reason that Haddon did: and when he had received the same answer that was made to Haddon, he told them it was but a poor refuge, when they could not answer, to deny the author, and proved the author to be a catholic doctor; that being proved, he further confirmed what was said of the nature and substance.

The prolocutor perceiving that Mr. Watson was closely attacked, called upon Mr. Morgan to help him out, who said that Theodoret did no more than what was justifiable; for, first he granted the truth, and then, for fear of such as were not fully instructed in the faith, he spake mystically: he granted the truth, by calling the bread and wine the body and blood of Christ; after which he seems to give somewhat to the senses and to reason: but that Theodoret was of the same opinion with them, will appear from his words that follow, which are the cause of what went before; therefore he says, the immortality, &c. whereby it appears, that he meant the divine, and not the human nature.

Watson now said: "Suppose Theodoret be on your side, he is but one; and what is one against the consent of the whole church?" Cheyney affirmed, that not only Theodoret was of his opinion, that the substance of bread and wine do remain, but many others also, particularly Irenaeus, who making mention of this sacrament says: "When the cup which is mingled with wine, and the bread that is broken, do receive the word of God, it is made the Eucharist of the body and blood of Christ, by which the substance of our flesh is nourished and doth consist." From whence I infer, that if the thanksgiving doth nourish our body, then there is some substance besides Christ's body. To this both Watson and Morgan replied, observing, that the words, "by which," in that sentence of Irenaeus, were to be referred to the next antecedent, that is to the body and blood of Christ; and not to the wine which is in the cup, and the bread which is broken. Mr. Cheyney said, that it was not the body of Christ which nourished our bodies; and granting that the flesh of Christ nourisheth to immortality, yet it doth not make for their argument, although it might be true; no more than that answer which was made to the allegation out of St. Paul, 'the bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ?' with many others; whereunto you answered, that bread was not to be taken there in its proper signification, that is, not for that it was bread, but for that it had been so; any more than the rod of Aaron was taken for a serpent, because it had been a serpent."

After this, Mr. Cheyney brought in Hesychius, and used the same reason that he did, of burning of symbols; and he asked them, What was burnt? Watson said we must not inquire; when Cheyney asked, Whereof came those ashes--not from substance? or can any substance arise from accidents?

Here Mr. Harpsfield was called to the assistance of Watson, and began with a fair preamble about the omnipotency of God, and the weakness of human reason as to the comprehension and attainment of religious matters; observing, that whatsoever we saw, or tasted, it was not convenient to trust our senses. He also related a curious legend out of St. Cyprian, how a woman saw the sacrament burning in her coffer! "Now that which burned there," said Harpsfield, "burneth here, and becometh ashes; but what that was which burnt we cannot tell." Mr. Cheyney continued still to force them with this question--"What was it that was burnt? it was either the substance of bread, or else the substance of the body of Christ--which is too great an absurdity to grant." At length they answered, it was a miracle. At this Mr. Cheyney smiling, said that he would then proceed no further.

Dr. Weston now asked the company, whether those men had not been sufficiently answered? Certain priests said, "Yes;" but the multitude exclaimed--"No, no!' Dr. Weston answered sharply, that he asked not the judgment of the rude multitude, but such as were members of that house. He then demanded of Mr. Haddon and his fellow-disputants, whether they would answer them other three days? Haddon, Cheyney, and Elmar all replied, "No." Upon which the archdeacon of Winchester, Mr. Philpot, said they should be answered; and though all others refused to answer, yet he would not; but would himself answer them all in turns. The prolocutor abused him, saying, that he should go to Bedlam; to whom the archdeacon seriously answered, that he himself was much more suited to the place.

On the sixth debate, October 30th, the prolocutor, addressing himself to Mr. Philpot, demanded whether, in the questions before propounded, he would answer their objections? Mr. Philpot said if they would answer but one of his arguments sufficiently, he would reply to all the objections they could bring. The prolocutor then bid him state his argument, and it should be resolutely controverted by some of them. Mr. Philpot then proceeded--"On Wednesday last, I was compelled to silence before I had prosecuted half my argument, the sum of which was, that the human body of Christ had ascended into heaven, and gone to the right hand of God the Father; wherefore, after the imagination of man, it could not be situated upon earth invisibly in the sacrament of the altar. My argument is this. One and the self-same nature receiveth not any thing that is contrary to itself. But the body of Christ is a human nature, distinct from the Deity, and is a proper nature of itself. I infer therefore that it cannot receive any thing that is contrary to that nature, and that varieth from itself. To be bodily present and to be bodily absent--to be on earth, and to be in heaven--and all at one time, are things incompatible with the nature of a human body. Therefore, it cannot be said of the human body of Christ, that the self-same body is both in heaven and on the earth at one instant, either visibly or invisibly." Morgan objected to the first part of the argument, which Philpot supported out of Vigilius, an ancient writer.

Morgan cavilled still, and said it was no scripture, and desired him to prove the same from thence; upon which Philpot quoted St. Paul, who says that "Christ is made like unto us in all points, except sin;" adding, "As one of our bodies cannot receive in itself anything contrary to the nature of a body, as to be in St. Paul's Church and in Westminister Abbey at one and the same instant; or to be in London visibly and in Lincoln invisibly at one time; whereof he concluded that the body of Christ might not be in more places than one, which is in heaven; and so consequently not to be contained in the sacrament of the altar." To this the prolocutor answered that it was not true that Christ was like unto us in all points, as Philpot took it, except sin. For that Christ was not conceived by the seed of man, as we be. Whereunto Philpot replied, that Christ's conception was prophesied before, by the angel, to be supernatural; but after he had received our nature by the operation of the Holy Ghost in the Virgin's womb, he became in all points like unto us, except sin.

Morgan again cavilled; when Philpot said that he was not destitute of other Scriptures to confirm his argument, quoting the words of St. Peter: "Whom heaven must receive until the consummation of all things," etc; which words were spoken of his humanity. "And if," said he, "heaven must hold Christ, then can he not be here on earth, in the sacrament, as is pretended."

After this the prolocutor spake to Philpot, and said, "Lest thou shouldest slander the house, and say that we will not suffer you to declare your mind, we are content that you shall come into the house as you have done before; so that you be apparelled in a long gown and a tippet, like as we be, and that you shall not speak but when I command you." "Then" quoth Philpot, "I had rather be absent altogether."

Thus did they reason, till at length, about the middle of December, queen Mary interfered, and sending to Bonner, bishop of London, commanded him to dissolve the convocation. Near the same time the parliament broke up, having first repealed all such statutes as concerned any alteration of religion, and administration of the sacraments, in the reign of Edward VI. In this session also the parliament were acquainted with the queen's intended marriage with Philip, the emperor's son. In the mean time, cardinal Pole, having been sent for by Mary, was requested by the emperor to stay with him, to the intent, according to general opinion and report, that the cardinal's presence in England should not be a bar to the marriage between his son and the queen; to accomplish which, he sent a most splendid embassy, with full power; which had such good success, that, after a few days, the marriage between Mary and Philip was settled on the following terms. The government to rest solely with the queen. Her hand alone to give authority to every thing. No Spaniard to be capable of any office. No change to be made in the law, nor the queen to be required to go out of England against her will, nor their issue but by consent of the nobility. The queen to have of jointure 60,000l. out of Spain. Their son to inherit Burgundy and the Netherlands, as well as England. Their daughters to succeed to her crown, and to have such portions from Spain as were generally given to king's daughters. The prince to have no share in the government after her death.

 

 

Wyatt's Rebellion -- Lady Jane Grey--Conversation With Fecknam -- Letters -- Behaviour at Execution, With Other Matters.

The year 1554 commenced with persecution. Dr. Crome was committed to the Fleet, for preaching without license on Christmas-day; and Thomas Wootton, a protestant esquire, on account of his religious profession. The publication of the queen's intended marriage was very ill received by the people and several of the nobility; and soon a rebellion arose, whereof sir Thomas Wyatt was one of the chief promoters. He said that the queen and council would, by this marriage, bring upon the realm slavery and popery. He resided in the county of Kent, and as soon as intelligence was received in London of the insurrection there, and of the duke of Suffolk having fled into Warwick and Leicestershire, with a view of raising forces in those counties, the queen caused them both, with the Carews of Devonshire, to be proclaimed traitors. At the same time she sent some forces, under the duke of Norfolk, into Kent; but, on reaching Rochester-bridge, he found himself so deserted, that he was obliged to return to London. The earl of Huntingdon was sent into Warwickshire to apprehend the duke of Suffok, who, entering the city of Coventry before Suffok, frustrated his designs. In his distress, the duke confided in a servant of his, named Underwood, in Astley-park, who, like a false traitor, betrayed him. And so he was brought to the Tower of London.

Sir Peter Carew, hearing what was done, fled into France; but the others were taken. Wyatt came towards London in the beginning of February. The queen, hearing of Wyatt's coming, came into the city to the Guildhall, where she made a vehement oration against him. When she had concluded, Gardiner, standing by her, with great admiration cried to the people, "Oh, how happy are we, to whom God hath given such a wise and learned prince!" etc.

On the 3rd of February, lord Cobham wa committed to the Tower. Wyatt was now 4000 strong, and came to Southwark, but could not force the bridge of London: he was informed the city would all rise if he should come to their aid; but he could not find boats for passing into Middlesex or Essex, so he was forced to go to the bridge of Kingston. On reaching it, he found it cut; yet his men repaired it, and he reached Hyde-park the next morning. Weary and disheartened, his troops were reduced to 500, and the queen's forces could have easily dispersed them; yet they let them go forward, that they might be obliged to surrender at discretion. He marched through the Strand, and got to Ludgate. Returning from thence, he was opposed at Temple-bar, and there surrendered himself to sir Clement Parson, who brought him to court, with the remains of his army, after about one hundred had been killed. A great number of the captives were hanged; and Wyatt was beheaded on Tower hill, and then quartered.

It was now resolved to proceed against lady Jane Grey and her husband. She had lived six months in the hourly meditation of death; so she was not much surprised when the catastrophe arrived. Feckman, alias Howman, was sent from the queen, two days before her death, to commune with her, and to reduce her from the doctrine of Christ to queen Mary's religion: the effect of which communication here followeth.

Fecknam. Madam, I lament your heavy case; and yet I doubt not but that you bear out this sorrow of yours with a constant and patient mind.

Jane. You are welcome unto me, sir, if your coming be to give Christian exhortation. And as for my heavy case, I thank God, I do so little lament it, that rather I account the same for a more manifest declaration of God's favor towards me, than ever he showed me at any time before. Therefore, there is no cause why either you or others which bear me good will should lament or be grieved with this my case, being a thing so profitable to my soul's health.

Fecknam. I am here come to you at this present, sent from the queen and her council, to instruct you in the true doctrine of the right faith: although I have so great confidence in you, that I shall have, I trust, little need to travel with you much therein.

Jane. Forsooth, I heartily thank the queen's highness, who is not unmindful of her humble subject; and I hope that you will no less do your duty therein, truly and faithfully, according to that you were sent for.

Fecknam. What is then required of a Christian man?

Jane. That he should believe in God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost: three Persons and one God.

Fecknam. What? Is there nothing else to be required or looked for in a Christian, but to believe in him?

Jane. Yes, we must love him with all our heart, with all our soul, and with all our might; and our neighbor as ourself.

Fecknam. Why? then faith justifieth not, nor saveth not.

Jane. Yes verily, faith, as St. Paul saith, alone justifieth.

Fecknam. Why? St. Paul saith, "If I have all faith without love, it is nothing."

Jane. True it is; for how can I love him whom I trust not? Or how can I trust him whom I love not? Faith and love go both together, and yet love is comprehended in faith.

Fecknam. How shall we love our neighbor?

Jane. To love our neighbor is to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to give drink to the thirsty, and to do to him as we would to ourselves.

Fecknam. Why? then it is necessary unto salvation to do good works also, and it is not sufficient only to believe.

Jane. I deny that, and I affirm that faith only saveth; but it is meet for a Christian, in token that he followeth his master Christ, to do good works, yet may we not say that they profit to our salvation. For when we have done all, yet we be unprofitable servants, and faith only in Christ's blood saveth us.

Fecknam. How many sacraments are there?

Jane. Two--the one the sacrament of baptism, and the other the sacrament of the Lord's supper.

Fecknam. No, there are seven.

Jane. By what scripture find you that?

Fecknam. Well, we will talk of that hereafter. But what is signified by your two sacraments?

Jane. By the sacrament of baptism, I am washed with water and regenerated by the Spirit; and that washing is a token to me that I am the child of God. The sacrament of the Lord's supper, offered unto me, is a sure seal and testimony that I am, by the blood of Christ, which he shed for me on the cross, made partaker of the everlasting kingdom.

Fecknam. Why, what do you receive in that sacrament? Do you not receive the very body and blood of Christ?

Jane. No surely, I do not so believe. I think that at the supper I neither receive flesh nor blood, but bread and wine; which bread when it is broken, and the wine when it is drunken, put me in remembrance how that for my sins the body of Christ was broken, and his blood shed on the cross; and with that bread and wine I received the benefits that come by the breaking of his body, and shedding of his blood, for our sins on the cross.

Fecknam. Why, doth not Christ speak these words, "Take, eat, this is my body?" Require you any plainer words? Doth he not say, it is his body?

Jane. I grant, he saith so; and so he saith, "I am the vine, I am the door;" but he is never the more for that, the door or the vine. Doth not St. Paul say, "He calleth things that are not as though they were?" God forbid that I should say, that I eat the very natural body and blood of Christ: for then either I should pluck away my redemption, or else there were two bodies, or two Christs. One body was tormented on the cross, and if they did eat another body, then had he two bodies; or if his body were eaten, then was it not broken upon the cross; or if it were broken upon the cross, it was not eaten of his disciples.

Fecknam. Why, is it not as possible that Christ, by his power, could make his body both to be eaten and broken, and to be born of a virgin, as to walk upon the sea, having a body, and other suck like miracles as he wrought by his power only?

Jane. Yes verily, if God would have done at his supper any miracle, he might have done so: but I say, that then he minded no work nor miracle, but only to brake his body and shed his blood on the cross for our sins. But I pray you to answer me to this one question: Where was Christ when he said, "Take, eat, this is my body?" Was he not at the table when he said so? He was at that time alive, and suffered not till the next day. What took he, but bread? what brake he, but bread? and what gave he, but bread? Look, what he took he brake: and look, what he brake he gave: and look, what he gave they did eat: and yet all this while he himself was alive, and at supper before his disciples, or else they were deceived.

Fecknam. You ground your faith upon such authors as say and unsay both in a breath; and not upon the church, whom ye ought to credit.

Jane. No, I ground my faith on God's word, and not upon the church. For if the church be a good church, the faith of the church must be tried by God's word; and not God's word by the church, neither yet my faith. Shall I believe the church because of antiquity, or shall I give credit to the church that taketh away from me the half part of the Lord's Supper, and will not let any man receive it in both kinds? which things if they deny to us, then deny they to us part of our salvation. And I say, that it is an evil church, and not the spouse of Christ, but the spouse of the devil, that altereth the Lord's supper, and both taketh from it and addeth to it. To that church, say I, God will add plagues; and from that church will he take their part out of that book of life. Do they learn that of St. Paul, when he ministered to the Corinthians in both kinds? Shall I believe this church? God forbid!

Fecknam. That was done for a good intent of the church, to avoid a heresy that sprang on it.

Jane. Why, shall the church alter God's will and ordinance, for good intent? How did king Saul? The Lord God defend!

With these and such like persuasions he would have had her lean to the church, but it would not be. There were many more things whereof they reasoned, but these were the chiefest. After this, Fecknam took his leave, saying that he was sorry for her: "For I am sure," quoth he, "that we two shall never meet."

"True it is," replied lady Jane, openly, "that we shall never meet, except God turn your heart; for I am assured, unless you repent and turn to God, you are in an evil case. And I pray God, in the bowels of his mercy, to send you his Holy Spirit; for he hath given you his great gift of utterance, if it pleased him also to open the eyes of your heart."

A letter of the lady Jane to master Harding, late chaplain to the duke of Suffolk, her father, and then fallen from the truth of God's most holy word:--

"So oft as I call to mind the dreadful and fearful saying of God, 'That he which layeth hold upon the plough, and looketh back, is not meet for the kingdom of heaven;' and, on the other side, the comfortable words of our Saviour Christ to all those that, forsaking themselves, do follow him; I cannot but marvel at thee, and lament they case, who seemed sometime to be the lively member of Christ, but now the deformed imp of the devil; sometime the beautiful temple of God, but now the stinking and filthy kennel of Satan; sometime the unspotted spouse of Christ, but now the unshamefaced paramour of antichrist; sometime my faithful brother, but now a stranger and apostate; sometime a stout Christian soldier, but now a cowardly runaway. Yea, when I consider these things, I cannot but speak to thee, and cry out upon thee, thou seed of Satan, and not of Judah, whom the devil hath deceived, the world hath beguiled, and the desire of life subverted, and made thee of a Christian an infidel. Wherefore hast thou taken the testament of the Lord in thy mouth? Wherefore hast thou preached the law and the will of God to others? Wherefore hast thou instructed others to be strong in Christ, when thou thyself dost now so shamefully shrink, and so horribly abuse the testament and law of the Lord? when thou thyself preachest, not to steal, yet most abominably stealest, not from men, but from God, and, committing most heinous sacrilege, robbest Christ thy Lord of his right members, thy body and soul; and choosest rather to live miserably with shame to the world, than to die, and gloriously with honour reign with Christ, in whom even in death is life? Why dost thou now show thyself most weak, when indeed thou oughtest to be most strong? The strength of a fort is unknown before the assault, but thou yieldest thy hold before any battery he made. O wretched and unhappy man, what art thou but dust and ashes? And wilt thou resist thy Maker, that fashioned thee and framed thee? Wilt thou now forsake Him that called thee from the custom-gathering among the Romish antichristians, to be an ambassador and messenger of his eternal word? He that first framed thee, and since thy first creation and birth preserved thee, nourished and kept thee, yea, and inspired thee with the spirit of knowledge, (I cannot say, of grace) shall he not now possess thee? Darest thou deliver up thyself to another, being not thine own, but his? How canst thou, having knowledge, or how darest thou neglect the law of the Lord, and follow the vain traditions of men; and, whereas thou has been a public professor of his name, become now a defacer of his glory? Wilt thou refuse the true God, and worship the invention of man, the golden calf, the whore of Babylon, the Romish religion, the abominable idol, the most wicked mass? Wilt thou torment again, rend and tear the most precious body of our Saviour Christ, with thy bodily and fleshly teeth? Wilt thou take upon thee to offer up any sacrifice unto God for our sins, considering that Christ offered up himself, as Paul saith, upon the cross, a lively sacrifice once for all? Can neither the punishment of the Israelites-which, for their idolatry, they so oft received-nor the terrible threatenings of the prophets, nor the curses of God's own mouth, fear thee to honour any other god than him? Dost thou so regard Him that spared not his dear and only Son for thee, so diminishing, yea, utterly extinguishing his glory, that thou wilt attribute the praise and honour due unto him to the idols, 'which have mouths and speak not, eyes and see not, ears and hear not;' which shall perish with them that made them?

*   *   *   *   *   *

"Last of all, let the lively remembrance of the last day be always before your eyes; remembering the terror that such shall be in at that time, with the runagates and fugitives from Christ, which setting more by the world than by heaven, more by their life than by Him who gave them life, did shrink, yea, did clean fall away, from his that forsook not them: and contrariwise, the inestimable joys prepared for them, that fearing no peril, nor dreading death, have manfully fought, and victoriously triumphed over all power of darkness, over hell, death, and damnation, through their most redoubted captain, Christ.-To whom, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, praise, and glory everlasting. Amen."

A letter written by the lady Jane in the end of the New Testament in Greek, the which she sent unto her sister the lady Katherine, the night before she suffered:--

"I have here sent you, good sister Katherine, a book, which although it be not outwardly trimmed with gold, yet inwardly it is more worth than precious stones. It is the book, dear sister, of the law of the Lord. It is his testament and last will, which he bequeathed unto us wretches; which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy: and, if you with a good mind read it, and with an earnest mind do purpose to follow it, it shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. It shall teach you to live, and learn you to die. It shall win you more than you should have gained by the possession of your woeful father's lands. For as, if God had prospered him, you should have inherited his lands; so, if you apply diligently to this book, seeking to direct your life after it, you shall be an inheritor of such riches, as neither the covetous shall withdraw from you, neither thief shall steal, neither yet the moths corrupt. Desire with David, good sister, to understand the law of the Lord God. Live still to die, that you by death may purchase eternal life. And trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your life; for as soon, if God call, goeth the young as the old; and labour always to learn to die. Defy the world, deny the devil, and despise the flesh, and delight yourself only in the Lord. Be penitent for your sins, and yet despair not: be strong in faith, and yet presume not; and desire, with St. Paul, to be dissolved and to be with Christ, with whom even in death there is life. Be like the good servant, and even at midnight be waking, lest when death cometh and stealeth upon you as a thief in the night, you be, with the evil servant, found sleeping; and lest, for lack of oil, you be found like the five foolish women; and like him that had not on the wedding garment, and then ye be cast out from the marriage. Rejoice in Christ, as I do. Follow the steps of your master Christ, and take up your cross; lay your sins on his back, and always embrace him. And as touching my death, rejoice as I do, good sister, that I shall be delivered of this corruption, and put on incorruption. For I am assured that I shall, for losing a mortal life, win an immortal life, the which I pray God grant you, and send you of his grace to live in his fear, and to die in the true Christian faith, from the which, in God's name, I exhort you that you never swerve, neither for hope of life, nor for fear of death. For if you will deny his truth for to lengthen your life, God will deny you, and yet shorten your days. And if you will cleave unto him, he will prolong your days, to your comfort and his glory: to the which glory God bring me now, and you hereafter, when it pleaseth him to call you. Fare you well, good sister, and put your only trust in God, who only must help you."

A prayer made by the lady Jane in the time of her trouble, and also a letter to her father, a part of that to Mr. Harding, are here omitted for want of space. It remaineth now, coming to the end of this virtuous lady, to infer the manner of her execution, with the words and behaviour of her at the time of her death. First, when she mounted the scaffold, she said to the people standing thereabout, "Good people, I am come hither to die, and by a law I am condemned to the same. The fact against the queen's highness was unlawful, and the consenting thereunto by me; but, touching the procurement and desire thereof by me, or on my behalf, I do wash my hands therof in innocency before God, and the face of you, good Christian people, this day.--I pray you all, good Christian people, to bear me witness that I die a true Christian woman, and that I do look to be saved by no other mean, but only by the mercy of God, in the blood of his only Son Jesus Christ: and I confess, that when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same, and loved myself and the world: therefore this punishment is happily and worthily happened unto me for my sins; and yet I thank God, that of his goodness he hath thus given me a time and respite to repent. And now, good people, while I am alive, I pray you assist me with your prayers."

And then, kneeling down, she turned her to Fecknam, saying, "Shall I say this psalm?" and he said, "Yea." Then said she the psalm of "Miserere mei Deus," in English, in most devout manner throughout to the end. Then she stood up, and gave her maiden, Ellen, her gloves and handkerchief, and her book to Mr. Bruges. After this, she untied her gown, in which the executioner offered to help her; but she, desiring him to let her alone, turned towards her two gentlewomen, who helped her off therewith, and also with her frowes, paaft and neckerchief, giving to her a fair handkerchief to knit about her eyes. Then the executioner kneeled down and asked her forgiveness, which she willingly granted, and said, "I pray you dispatch me quickly." Then she kneeled, saying, "Will you strike before I lay me down?" The executioner said, "No, madam." Then tied she the handkerchief about her eyes, and feeling for the block, she said, "What shall I do? Where is it?" One of the standers-by guiding her thereunto, she laid her head down upon the block, and then stretched forth her body, and said, "Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit;" and so finished her life, in the year of our Lord 1554, and 12th day of February, about the 17th year of her age.

Thus was beheaded the lady Jane, and with her also the lord Guilford, her husband, one of the duke of Northumberland's sons. Judge Morgan, who gave the sentence of condemnation against her, shortly after he had condemned her, fell mad, and in his raving cried out continually to have the lady Jane taken away from him; and so ended his life. Upon the 21st of the same month, Henry duke of Suffolk, the father of lady Jane, was also beheaded at the Tower-hill; and, about the same time, many gentlemen and yeomen were condemned for this conspiracy, whereof some were executed in London and some in the country.

On the 24th of the same month of February, 1554, Bonner, bishop of London, sent down a commission to all the pastors and curates of his diocese, for the taking of the names of such as would not come, the Lent following, to auricular confession, and to the receiving at Easter. And on the 4th of the next month there was a letter sent from the queen to bishop Bonner requiring that all the canons and ecclesiastical laws of Henry the Eighth's time should be put in execution.

Injunctions were now given to the bishops, to execute such ecclesiastical laws as had been in force in king Henry's time: that in their courts they should proceed in their own names; that the oath of supremacy should be no more exacted; that none suspected of heresy should be put in orders; and that all married clergymen should separate from their wives. If they left their wives, the bishops might put them in some other cure, or reserve a pension for them out of their livings. Rules for ordination were established on popish principles. The queen gave also a special commission to Bonner, Gardiner, Tonstall, Day, and Kitchin, to proceed against the archbishop of York, and the bishops of St. David's, Chester, and Bristol, and to deprive them of their bishoprics, for having contracted marriage, and thereby broken their vows and defiled their function. She also authorized them to call before them the bishops of Lincoln, Gloucester, and Hereford, who held their bishoprics only during their good behaviour; and since they had done things contrary to the laws of God, and the practice of the universal church, to declare their bishoprics void.

Account of a Public Disputation Which Was Appointed by the Queen's Special Command in a Convocation Held at St. Mary's Church in Oxford.

In April 1554, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were conveyed as prisoners from the Tower to Windsor; and from thence to Oxford, to dispute with the divines and learned men of both the universities, Oxford and Cambridge, concerning the presence, substance, and sacrifice of the sacrament. The doctors and graduates appointed to dispute against them were of Oxford-Dr. Weston, prolocutor, Dr. Tresham, Dr. Cole, Dr. Oglethorpe, Dr. Pie, Mr. Harpsfield, and Mr. Fecknam. Of Cambridge, Dr. Young, vice-chancellor, Dr. Glyn, Dr. Seton, Dr. Watson, Dr. Sedgewick, and Dr. Atkinson. The questions of dispute were-Whether the natural body of Christ be really in the sacrament, after words spoken by the priest or not? Whether in the sacrament, after the words of consecration, any other substance do remain, than the substance of the body and blood of Christ? and whether in the mass there be a sacrifice propitiatory for the sins of the quick and the dead?

On the 13th of April the doctors of Cambridge arrived at Oxford, and lodged all at the Cross Inn, with one Wakecline, some time a servant to bishop Bonner. After the ceremonies of welcome, and after consultation concerning the delivery of their letters and instrument of grace, they all repaired to Lincoln college to Dr. Weston the prolocutor, and to Dr. Tresham the vice-chancellor, to whom they delivered their letters, declaring what they had done touching the articles and graces. Having concluded on a procession, sermon, and convocation, on the day following, and that the doctors of Cambridge should be incorporated with the university of Oxford, and the doctors of Oxford with those of the university of Cambridge, they returned to their inn. The same day, the three prisoners were separated, Dr. Ridley to the house of Mr. Irish, Latimer to another house; while Cranmer remained to Bocardo, a prison in Oxford.

The following day the vice-chancellor of Cambridge, with the other doctors of that university, again repairing to Lincoln college, found the prolocutor above in the chapel, with a company of the house singing mass for the dead, and tarried there until the end. Then having consulted together in the master's room, they all come to the university church of St. Mary's, where, after another consultation in a chapel, the vice-chancellor of Oxford caused the vice-chancellor of Cambridge, and the rest of the doctors of that university, to send for their scarlet robes brought from Cambridge. By this time, the regents in the congregation-house, had granted all the Cambridge doctors their graces, to be incorporate there; and so they went up and were immediately admitted, Dr. Oglethorpe presenting them, and the proctor reading the statute, and giving them their oaths.

They now all came into the choir to hold the convocation of the university: the mass of the Holy Ghost was solemnly sung before them by the choir-men of Christ's church. First, the cause of the convocation was opened in English by the vice-chancellor and prolocutor declaring that they were commissioned by the queen, and wherefore they were sent; and caused master Say, the register, openly to read the commission. That done, the vice-chancellor read the Cambridge letters openly, and then concluded that three notaries, one for the convocation, one for Cambridge, and one for Oxford, should testify of their doings. Then they ordered the notaries to provide parchment, that the whole assembly might subscribe to the articles, except those who had subscribed before in the convocation-house at London and Cambridge. And so the vice-chancellor began first; after him the rest of the Oxford men, as many as could in the mass time.

The mass being done, they went in procession to Christ's church; and there the choir sang a psalm, and after that a collect was read. They then departed to Lincoln college, where they dined with the mayor, one alderman, four beadles, and the Cambridge notary. After dinner they all went again to St. Mary's church; where, shortly after, all the commissioners arrived, and sat before the altar, to the number of thirty-three persons: Dr. Cranmer was then sent for, and shortly after arrived in custody. The archbishop paid his respects to them with much humility, standing with his staff in his hand, and though he had a stool offered him, refused to sit. The articles against him were read, and a copy of them delivered to him; after which he was given in charge to the mayor, who remanded him to prison.

Dr. Ridley was next brought in, who hearing the articles against him, immediately replied that they were all false; and said farther, that they sprang from a bitter and sour root. Then he was asked whether he would dispute or not? He answered, that as long as God gave him life, he should not only have his heart, but also his mouth and pen to defend his truth; but he required time and books. They said he could not have time, but must dispute on Thursday; and till then he should have books. He said it was unreasonable that he might not have his own books and time also. Then they gave him the articles, and desired him to write his opinion upon them that night; after which they commanded the mayor to take him whence he came.

Last of all came in Mr. Latimer, with a kerchief and two or three caps on his head, his spectacles hanging by a string at his breast, and a staff in his hand, and was set in a chair. After his denial of the articles, when he had Wednesday appointed for disputation, he alleged age, sickness, disuse, and lack of books, saying, that he was almost as meet to dispute as to be a captain of Calais: but he would declare his mind either by writing or word, and would stand to all they could lay upon him; complaining, moreover, that he was permitted to have neither pen nor ink, nor yet any book but the New Testament in his hand, which he had read over seven times deliberately, and yet could not find the mass in it, neither the marrow-bones nor sinews of the same. At this the commissioners were not a little offended; and Dr. Weston said that he would make him grant that it had both marrow-bones and sinews in the New Testament. To whom Latimer said again, "That you will never do, master Doctor." And so, forthwith, they put him to silence; so that whereas he was desirous to tell what he meant by those terms, he could not be suffered. The great press and throng of people were then dispersed, and the convocation adjourned. At nine o'clock on Sunday morning, Mr. Harpsfield preached at St. Mary's, where the doctors in their robes were placed in due order of precedency. After sermon, they all dined at Magdalen college, and supped at Lincoln college, with Dr. Weston; whither Cranmer sent his answer upon the articles in writing.

On Monday, Dr. Weston, with the residue of the visitors, censors, and opponents, repairing to the divinity school, each installed himself in his place. Cranmer was brought thither, and set in the answerer's place, with the mayor and aldermen by him; when the prolocutor, apparelled in a scarlet gown, after the custom of the university, began the disputation with this oration:--

"You are assembled hither, brethren, this day to confound the detestable heresy of the verity of the body of Christ in the sacrament." At these strange words several of the learned men burst into great laughter, as though, in the entrance of the disputation, he had betrayed himself and his religion, by terming the opinion of the verity of Christ's body in the sacrament a detestable heresy! The rest of his oration was intended to prove, that it was not lawful to call these questions into controversy; for such as doubted of the words of Christ might well be thought to doubt both of the truth and power of God. On this Dr. Cranmer, desiring leave, answered- "We are assembled to discuss and to lay before the world those doubtful points which ye think it unlawful to dispute. It is, indeed, no reason that we should dispute of that which is determined upon before the truth be tried. But if these questions be not called into controversy, surely my answer then is looked for in vain."

Then Chedsey, the first opponent, began: "Rev. Doctor, these three conclusions are put forth unto us at present to dispute upon-In the sacrament of the altar, is the natural body of Christ, and also his blood, present really under the forms of bread and wine, by virtue of God's word pronounced by the priest? Does there remain any of the former substance of bread and wine after the consecration, or any other substance but the substance of God and man? Is the lively sacrifice of the church in the mass propitiatory, as well for the quick as the dead? These are the arguments on which our present controversy rests. Now, to the end we might not doubt how you take the same, you have already given unto us your opinion thereof. I term it your opinion, in that it disagreeth from the catholic. Wherefore I thus argue: Your opinion differeth from Scripture: ergo, you are deceived."

Cranmer. I deny the antecedent.

Chedsey. Christ, when he instituted his last supper, spake to his disciples, "Take, eat: this is my body which shall be given for you." But his true body was given for us: ergo, his true body is in the sacrament.

Cranmer. His body is truly present to them that truly receive him; but spiritually. And so it is taken after a spiritual sort; for when he said, "This is my body," it is all one as if he had said, "This is the breaking of my body; this is the shedding of my blood. As oft as you shall do this, it shall put you in remembrance of the breaking of my body, and the shedding of my blood; that as truly as you receive this sacrament, so truly shall you receive the benefit promised by receiving the same worthily."

Chedsey. Your opinion differeth from the church, which saith, that the true body is in the sacrament: ergo, your opinion therein is false.

Cranmer. I say and agree with the church, that the body of Christ is in the sacrament effectually, because the passion of Christ is effectual.

Chedsey. Christ, when he spake these words, "This is my body," spake of the substance, but not of the effect.

Cranmer. I grant he spake of the substance, and not of the effect after a sort: and yet it is most true that the body of Christ is effectually in the sacrament. But I deny that he is there truly present in bread, or that under the bread is his organical body.

And because it should be too tedious, Cranmer said, to discourse of the whole, he delivered his written opinion to Dr. Weston, with answers to the three propositions, requiring that it might be read openly to the people; which the prolocutor promised, but did not. The copy of this writing here followeth:--

"In the assertions of the church and of religion, trifling and newfangled novelties of words are to be eschewed, whereof ariseth nothing but contention; and we must follow as much as we can the manner of speaking of the Scripture. In the first conclusion, if ye understand by this word 'really,' 're ipsa,' that is, in very deed and effectually; so Christ, by the grace and efficacy of his passion, is indeed and truly present to all true and holy members. But if ye understand by this word 'really,' 'corporaliter,' that is, corporeally; so that by the body of Christ is understood a natural body and organical; so, the first proposition doth vary not only from the usual speech and phrase of Scripture, but also is clean contrary to the holy word of God and Christian profession: when as both the Scripture doth testify by these words, and also the Catholic church hath professed from the beginning-Christ to have left the world, and to sit at the right hand of the Father till he come to judgment.

"And likewise I answer to the second question, that is, that it swerveth from the accustomed manner and speech of Scripture. The third conclusion, as it is intricate and wrapped in all doubtful and ambiguous words, and differing also much from the true speech of Scripture, so as the words thereof seem to import no open sense, is most contumelious against our only Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus, and a violating of his precious blood, which, upon the altar of the cross, is the only sacrifice and oblation for the sins of all mankind."

Chedsey. By this your interpretation which you have made upon the first conclusion, this I understand--the body of Christ to be in the sacrament only by the way of participation: insomuch as we, communicating thereof, do participate the grace of Christ; so that you mean hereby the effect thereof. But our conclusion standeth upon the substance, and not the efficacy only, which shall appear by the testimony both of Scriptures, and of all the fathers a thousand years after Christ. And first let us consider what is written in Matt. xxvi., Mark xiv., Luke xxii., and 1 Cor. xi. Matthew saith, "As they sat at supper, Jesus took bread," etc. In Mark there is the same sense, although not the same words, who also for one part of the sacrament speaketh more plainly, saying, "Jesus taking bread" etc. After the same sense also writeth Luke, "And when Jesus had taken bread," etc. "In the mouth of two or three witnesses," saith the Scripture, "standeth all truth." Here we have three witnesses together, that Christ said that to be his body, which was given for many; and that to be his blood, which should be shed for many; whereby is declared the substance, and not only the efficacy thereof. Ergo, it is not true that you say, there is not the substance of his body, but the efficacy alone thereof.

Cran. Thus you gather upon mine answer, as though I did mean of the efficacy, and not of the substance of the body; but I mean of them both, as well as of the efficacy as of the substance. And forsomuch as all things come not readily to memory, to a man that shall speak extempore, therefore, for the more ample and fuller answer in this matter, this writing here I do exhibit.

Hereupon Cranmer put forth a lengthened explication, which the prolocutor said should be read in that place hereafter, and requested them to fall to the arguments.

Ched. The Scriptures in many places do affirm, that Christ gave his natural body: Matt. xxvi., Mark xiv., Luke xxii. Ergo, I do conclude that the natural body is in the sacrament.

Cran. To your argument I answer-If you understand by the body natural, the organic body, that is, having such proportion and members as he had living here, then I answer negatively. Furthermore, as concerning the evangelists, this I say and grant, that Christ took bread, and called it his body.

Ched. The text of the Scripture maketh against you, for the circumstance thereto annexed doth teach us, not only there to be the body, but also teacheth us what manner of body it is, and saith, "The same body which shall be given." That thing is here contained, that is given for us But the substance of bread is not given for us. And therefore the substance of bread is not here contained.

Cran. I understand not yet what you mean by this word contained. If you mean really, then I deny you major.

Ched. The major is the text of Scripture. He that denieth the major, denieth the Scripture: for the Scripture saith, "This is my body which is given for you."

Cran. I grant, Christ said it was his body which should be given, but he said it was his body which is here contained; "but the body that shall be given for you." As though he should say, "This bread is the breaking of my body, and this cup is the shedding of my blood." What will ye say then? Is the bread the breaking of his body, and the cup the shedding of his blood really? If you say so, I deny it.

Ched. If you ask what is the thing therein contained; because his apostles should not doubt what body it was that should be given, he saith, "This is my body which shall be given for you, and my blood which shall be shed for many." Here is the same substance of the body, which the day after was given, and the same blood which was shed. And I urge the Scripture, which teacheth that it was no fantastical, no feigned, no spiritual body, nor body in faith, but the substance of the body. Cran. You must prove that it is contained; but Christ said not which is contained. He gave bread, and called it his body. I halt not in the words of the Scripture, but in your word, which is feigned and imagined by yourself.

The disputation went on, but only by repeating on both sides what had already been said more than once or twice. Mr. Chedsey having at last finished his argument, Dr. Oglethorpe, one of the arbitrators, said- "You still come in with one evasion or starting hole to flee to. He urgeth the Scriptures, saying, that Christ gave his very body. You say, that he gave his body in bread. What sort of body is meant? what is the body spoken of? the bread is the body."

Cran. I answer to the question--It is the same body which was born of the Virgin, was crucified, ascended; but tropically, and by a figure. And so I say, the bread is the body, as a figurative speech, speaking sacramentally, for it is a sacrament of his body.

Oglethorpe. It is not a likely thing that Christ hath less care for his spouse the church, than a wise householder hath for this family in making his will or testament. But no householder maketh his testament after that sort.

Cran. Yes; there are many that do so. For what matter is it, so it be understood and perceived? I say, Christ used figurative speech in no place more than in his sacraments, and specially in this of his supper.

Ogle. No man of purpose doth use tropes in his testament; for, if he do, he deceiveth them that he comprehendeth in his testament: therefore Christ useth none here. The good man of the house hath respect that his heirs, after his departure, may live in quiet and without wrangling. But they cannot be in quiet if he uses tropes. Therefore, I say, he useth no tropes.

Cran. I deny your minor, and insist that he may use them.

Weston, the prolocutor, then said- "Augustine, in his book entitled De unitate Ecclesia, ch. x., hath these words following:- 'What a thing is this, I pray you? When the last words of one lying upon his death-bed are heard, who is ready to go to his grave, no man saith, that he hath made a lie; and he is not accounted his heir who regardeth not those words. How shall we then escape God's wrath, if, either not believing or not regarding, we shall reject the last words both of the only Son of God, and also of our Lord and Saviour, both ascending into heaven, and beholding from thence, who despiseth, who observeth them not, and so shall come from thence to judge all men?'"

Thereupon followed a lengthened discussion between Cranmer, Weston, and Oglethorpe. After which Cranmer resumed: "And why should we doubt to call it the sacrament of the body of Christ, offered upon the cross, seeing both Christ and the ancient fathers do so call it? Chrysostom himself declareth--'O miracle! O the good will of God towards us, which sitteth above at the right hand of the Father, and is holden in men's hands at the time of the sacrifice, and is given to feed upon, to them that are desirous of him! And that is brought to pass by no subtlety or craft, but with the open and beholding eyes of all the standers-by.' Thus you hear Christ is seen here on earth every day, and is touched; which no man having any judgment will say or think to be spoken without trope or figure."

West. What miracle is it if it be not his body, and if he spake only of the sacrament, as though it were his body? But hear what Chrysostom farther saith-"I shew forth that thing on earth unto thee, which is worthy the greatest honour. For like as in the palace of kings, neither the walls, nor the sumptuous bed, but the body of the king sitting under the cloth of state, and royal seat of majesty, is of all things else the most excellent: so is in like manner the King's body in heaven, which is now set before us on earth. I show thee neither angels nor archangels, nor the heaven of heavens, but the very Lord and Master of all these things. Thou perceivest after what sort thou dost not only behold, but touchest; and not only touchest, but eatest that which on the earth is greatest and chiefest thing of all other; and when thou hast received the same, thou goest home: wherefore cleanse thy soul from all uncleanness." Upon this, I conclude that the body of Christ is showed us upon the earth.

Cran. What! upon the earth? No man seeth Christ upon the earth: he is seen here with the eyes of our mind only, with faith and spirit.

West. I pray you, what is it that seemeth worthy highest honour on earth? Is it the sacrament, or else the body of Christ?

Cran. Chrysostom speaketh of the sacrament; and the body of Christ is showed forth in the sacrament.

West. Ergo, then the sacrament is worthy greatest honour.

Cran. I deny the argument.

West. That thing is showed forth, and is now on the earth: "ostenditur et est," which is worthy highest honour. But only the body of Christ is worthy highest honour: ergo, the body of Christ is now on the earth.

Cran. I answer, the body of Christ to be on the earth, but so as in the sacrament, and as the Holy Ghost is in the water of baptism.

West. Chrysostom saith, "ostendo," "I show forth," which noteth a substance to be present.

Cran. That is to be understood sacramentally.

West. He saith, "ostendo in terra," "I show forth on earth," declaring also the place where.

Cran. That is to be understood figuratively. Your major and conclusion are all one.

Here Weston called upon Cranmer to answer to one part, bidding him repeat his words; which when he essayed to do, such was the uproar in the divinity school, that his mild voice could not be heard. And when he went about to explain to the people that the prolocutor did not correctly English the words of Chrysostom, using for ostenditur in terra, "he is showed forth on the earth," est in terra, "he is on the earth;" whereas Chrysostom hath not est, nor any such word implying being on the earth, but only of showing, as the grace of the Holy Ghost, in baptismo ostenditur, "is showed forth in baptism." And oftentimes as he did inculcate this word ostenditur, the prolocutor rudely interrupted him, and, substituting noise and insolence for argument, called him unlearned and impudent; at the same time, pointing at him scornfully, urged the people to silence him with hissing, clapping of hands, and other species of tumult, which this reverend man most patiently and meekly did abide, as one well inured to the suffering of such reproaches. And the prolocutor, not yet satisfied with this rude and unseemly demeanour, did urge and call upon him to answer the argument; and then he bade the notary to repeat his words.

From Chrysostom the disputants went to Tertullian, from whom Chedsey, who was better acquainted with the fathers than the prolocutor himself, quoted as follows, for the purpose of again raising on their testimony his favourite and absurd syllogism: "Tertullian, speaking of the resurrection of the body, saith, 'Let us consider as concerning the proper form of the Christian man, what great prerogative this vain and foul substance of ours hath with God. Although it were sufficient to it, that no soul could ever get salvation, unless it believe while it is in flesh; so much the flesh availeth to salvation: by the which flesh cometh, that whereas the soul is so linked unto God, it is the said flesh that causeth the soul to be linked: yet the flesh moreover is washed, that the soul may be cleansed; the flesh is anointed, that the soul may be consecrated; the flesh is signed, that the soul may be defeated; the flesh is shadowed by the impositions of hands, that the soul may be illuminated with the Spirit; the flesh doth eat the body and blood of Christ, that the soul may be fed of God.' Whereupon I gather this argument--The flesh eateth the body of Christ; therefore the body of Christ is eaten with the mouth."

To this quotation Cranmer replied, with some interruption from Weston and Chedsey, thus--"Tertullian calleth that the flesh which is the sacrament. For although God works all things in us invisibly, beyond man's reach, yet they are so manifest, that they may be seen and perceived of every sense. Therefore he setteth forth baptism, unction, and last of all the supper of the Lord unto us, which he gave to signify his operation in us. The flesh liveth by the bread, but the soul is inwardly fed by Christ.-Read that which followeth, and you shall perceive that, by things external, an internal operation is understood. Inwardly we eat Christ's body, and outwardly we eat the sacrament. So one thing is done outwardly, another inwardly. Like, as in baptism, the external element, whereby the body is washed, is one; the internal thing, whereby the soul is cleansed, is another."

A long discussion then took place between Chedsey, Cranmer, Weston, and Tresham. Dr. Young, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, at length strove to change the direction of the dispute, by putting certain questions to Cranmer relative to the nature of Christ's body, the subordination of sense and reason to faith, and the manner in which the words of the Lord Jesus were to be understood for the just belief of his doctrine, and the just observance of his commands and institutions.

Young. This disputation is taken in hand that the truth might appear. I perceive that I must go another way to work than I had thought. It is a common saying, "Against them that deny principles, we must not dispute." Therefore that we may agree of the principles, I demand, whether there be any other body of Christ, than his instrumental body?

Cran. There is no natural body of Christ, but his organical body.

Young. I demand, whether sense and reason ought to give place to faith?

Cran. They ought.

Young. Whether Christ be true in all his works? And whether, at his supper, he minded to do that which he spake or no?

Cran. Yea, he is most true, and truth itself. In saying he spake, but in saying he made not, but made the sacrament to his disciples.

Young. A figurative speech is no working thing. But the speech of Christ is working: ergo, it is not figurative.

Cran. I said not, that the words of Christ do work, but Christ himself; and he worketh by a figurative speech.

West. If a figure work, it maketh of bread the body of Christ.

Cran. A figurative speech worketh not.

West. A figurative speech, by your own confession, worketh nothing. But the speech of Christ in the supper, as you grant, wrought somewhat: ergo, the speech of Christ in the supper was not figurative.

Cran. I answer, these are mere sophisms. The speech doth not work; but Christ, by the speech, doth work the sacrament. I look for Scriptures at your hands, for they are the foundation of disputations.-Ambrose speaketh of sacraments sacramentally. He calleth the sacraments by the names of the things; for he useth the signs for the thing signified: and therefore the bread is not called bread, but his body, for the excellency and dignity of the thing signified by it.-The body is nourished both with the sacrament, and with the body of Christ: with the sacrament to a temporal life; with the body of Christ to eternal life.

The discussion was carried on for some time between Cranmer, Young, Weston, Pie, Chedsey, and Harpsfield. Cranmer, in his answers, evinced the meekness of wisdom, and the ingenuousness and integrity of truth, whenever their clamour would allow him to reply, or he considered their sophistries and quibbles deserving refutation. Their disordered disputation, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in English, continued almost till two of the clock. Being at length finished, and the arguments written and delivered to the hands of master Say, the prisoner, Dr. Cranmer, was had away by the mayor, and the doctors dined together at the University college.

 

 

Disputation at Oxford Between Dr. Smith, With His Other Colleagues and Doctors, and Bishop Ridley.

The next day following, April 12th, was brought forth Dr. Ridley to dispute in the divinity school; against whom was set Dr. Smith to be principal opponent. This Dr. Smith had often changed his religious opinions; but not from conviction of conscience, as appears from his recantation, and also from his letter to Cranmer in king Edwards's time. The rest of his opponents were Drs. Weston, Tresham, Oglethorpe, Glin, Seton, Cole, Watson; masters Harpsfield, Ward, Pie, Harding, Curtop, and Fecknam: to all of whom he answered very learnedly. Dr. Weston, the prolocutor, commenced the disputation, with the following speech:--

"Good Christian people and brethren, we have begun this day our school, by God's good speed I trust; and are entering into a controversy. whereof no question ought to be moved, concerning the verity of the body of our Lord Jesus Christ in the eucharist. Christ is true, who said the words. The words are true which he spake, yea, truth itself that cannot fail. Let us therefore pray into God to send down upon us his Holy Spirit, which is the interpreter of his word; which may purge away errors, and give light that verity may appear. Let us also ask leave and liberty of the church to permit the truth received to be called this day in question without any prejudice to the same. Your parts thereof shall be to implore the assistance of Almighty God, to pray for the prosperity of the queen's majesty, and to give us quiet and attentive ears. Now go to your question."

Dr. Smith then said--"This day, right learned master Doctor, some questions are propounded, whereof no controversy among Christians ought to be moved. They are these--Whether the natural body of Christ our Saviour, conceived of the virgin Mary, and offered for man's redemption upon the cross, is verily and really in the sacrament by virtue of God's word spoken by the priests. Whether in the sacrament after the words of consecration, there be any other substance than the body and blood of Christ? Whether in the mass there is the sacrifice of Christ propitiatory. Touching these questions, although you have publicly declared your judgement on Saturday last; yet I will again demand your answer on the first question; upon which I stand here now to learn what may be answered."

Dr. Ridley then addressed the convocation as follows without any material interruption:

"I received of you the other day, right worshipful Mr. Prolocutor, and you my reverend masters, commissioners from the queen's majesty and her honourable council, three propositions; whereunto ye commanded me to prepare against this day, what I thought good to answer concerning the same.

"Now whilst I weighed with myself how great a charge of the Lord's flock was of late committed unto me, for which I am certain I must once render an account to my Lord God (and how soon he only knoweth) and that moreover by the commandment of the apostle Peter, I ought to be ready always to give a reason of the hope that is in me, with meekness and reverence, unto every one that shall demand the same: besides this, considering my duty to the church of Christ, and to your worships, being commissioners by public authority, I determined with myself to obey your commandment, and so openly to declare unto you my mind touching the aforesaid propositions. And albeit, plainly to confess unto you the truth of these things ye now demand of me, I have thought otherwise in times past than now I do, yet (I call God to record upon my soul, I lie not) I have not altered my judgement, as now it is, wither by constraint of any man or law, wither for the dread of any dangers of this world, either for any hope of commodity; but only for the love of the truth revealed unto me by the grace of God (as I am undoubtedly persuaded) in his holy word, and in the reading of the ancient fathers.

"These things I do rather recite at this present, because it may happen to some of you hereafter, as in times past it hath done to me: I mean, if ye think otherwise of the matters propounded in these propositions than I now do, God may open them unto you in time to come. But howsoever it shall be, I will in a few words do that which I think ye all expect I should; that is, as plainly as I can, I will declare my judgement herein. Howbeit, of this I would ye were not ignorant, that I will not indeed willingly speak in any point against God's word, or dissent in any one jot from the same, or from the rules of faith, or the christian religion; which rules that same most sacred word of God prescribeth to the church of Christ, whereunto I now and for ever submit myself and all my doings. And because the matter I have now taken in hand is weighty, and ye all well know how unprepared I am to handle it accordingly, as well for lack of time, as also of books; therefore here I protest, that I will publicly this day require of you that it may be lawful for me concerning all mine answers, explications, and confirmations, to add or diminish whatsoever shall seem hereafter more convenient and meet for the purpose, through more sound judgement, better deliberation, and more exact trial of every particular thing. Having now, by the way of preface and protestation, spoken these few words, I will come to the answer of the propositions propounded unto me, and so to the most brief explication and confirmation of mine answers."

The First Proposition.

In the sacrament of the altar, by the virtue of God's word spoken of the priest, the natural body of Christ, born of the Virgin Mary, and his natural blood, are really present under the forms of bread and wine.

Ridley. In matters appertaining to God we may not speak according to the sense of man, nor of the world: therefore, this proposition or conclusion is framed after another manner of phrase, or kind of speech, than the scripture useth. Again, it is very obscure and dark, by means of sundry words of doubtful signification. And being taken in the sense which the schoolmen teach, and at this time the church of Rome doth defend, it is false and erroneous, and plainly contrary to the doctrine which is according to godliness. How far the diversity and newness of the phrase in all this first proposition is from the phrase of the holy scripture, and that in every part almost, it is so plain and evident to any one who is but meanly exercised in holy writ, that I need not now (especially in this company of learned men) spend any time therein, except the same shall be required of me hereafter.

"First, there is a double sense in these words, By virtue of God's word, for it is doubtful what word of God this is, whether it be that which is read in the evangelists, or in St. Paul, or any other. And if it be that which is in the evangelists, or in St. Paul, what that is. If it be in none of them, then how it may be known to be God's word, and of such virtue that it should be able to work so great a matter.

"Again, there is a doubt of these words, of the priest, whether no man may be called a priest, but he which hath authority to make a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead; and how it may be proved that this authority was committed of God to any man, but to Christ alone. It is likewise doubted after what order the sacrificing priest shall be, whether after the order of Aaron, or else after the order of Melchisedek. For as far as I know, the holy scriptures doth allow no more.

"Moreover, there is ambiguity in this word really, whether it be taken as the logicians term it "transcendenter," that is, most generally, and so it may signify any manner of thing which belongeth to the body of Christ, by any means: after which sort we also grant Christ's body to be really in the sacrament of the Lord's supper; or whether it be taken to signify the very same thing, having body, life, and soul, which was assumed and taken by the word of God, into the unity of person. In which sense, seeing the body of Christ is really in Heaven, because of the true manner of his body, it may not be said to be here on the earth.

"There is yet a further doubtfulness in these words, under the forms of bread and wine, whether the forms be there taken to signify the only accidental and outward shows of bread and wine; or therewithal the substantial natures thereof, which are to be seen by their qualities, and perceived by exterior senses. Now the error and falseness of the proposition, after the sense of the Roman church and schoolmen, may hereby appear, in that they affirm the bread to be transubstantiated and changed to the flesh assumed of the word of God, and that, as they say, by virtue of the word which they have devised by a certain number of words, and cannot be found in any of the evangelists, or in St. Paul; and so they gather that Christ's body is really contained in the sacrament of the altar. Which position is grounded upon the foundation of the transubstantiation; which foundation is monstrous, against reason, and destroyeth the analogy or proportion of the sacraments: and therefore this proposition also, which is builded upon this rotten foundation, is false, erroneous, and to be counted as a detestable heresy of the sacramentaries.

"There ought no doctrine to be established in the church of God, which dissenteth from the word of God, from the rule of faith, and draweth with it many absurdities that cannot be avoided. But this doctrine of the first proposition is such: therefore it ought not to be established and maintained in the church of God.

"The major, or first part of my argument, is plain; and the minor, or second part, is proved thus:-This doctrine maintaineth a real, corporeal, and carnal presence of Christ's flesh, assumed and taken of the word, to be in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and that not by virtue and grace only, but also by the whole essence and substance of the body and flesh of Christ. But such a presence disagreeth from God's word, from the rule of faith, and cannot but draw with it many absurdities. Therefore, the second part is true. The former part of this argument is manifest, and the latter may yet further be confirmed thus: First of all, this presence is contrary to many places of the Holy Scripture. Secondly, it varieth from the articles of the faith. Thirdly, it destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the Lord's supper. Fourthly, it maketh precious things common to profane and ungodly persons; for it casteth that which is holy unto dogs, and pearls unto swine. Fifthly, it forceth men to maintain many monstrous miracles, without necessity and authority of God's word. Sixthly, it giveth occasion to the heretics who erred concerning the two natures in Christ to defend their heresies thereby. Seventhly, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers; it falsifieth also the Catholic faith of the church, which the apostles taught, the martyrs confirmed, and the faithful, as one of the fathers saith, do retain and keep until this day. Wherefore the second part of mine argument is true."

The Second Proposition.

After the consecration there remaineth on substance of bread and wine, neither any other substance, than the substance of God and man.

Ridley. The second conclusion is mainifestly false, directly against the word of God, the nature of the sacrament, and the most evident testimonies of the godly fathers; and it is the rotten foundation of the other two conclusions propounded by you, both of the first, and also of the third. I will not therefore now tarry upon this answer, being contented with that which is already added before to the answer of the first proposition.

"It is very plain by the word of God, that Christ did give bread unto his disciples, and called it his body. But the substance of bread is another manner of substance, than is the substance of Christ's body, God and man. Therefore the conclusion is false. That which Christ took, on which he gave thanks, and which be brake, he gave to his disciples, and called his body. But he took bread, gave thanks on bread, and brake bread. Therefore the first part is true. And it is confirmed with the authorities of the fathers, Irene, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Epiphanius, Jerome, Augustine, Theodoret, Cyril, Rabanus, and Bede. Whose places I will take upon me to shew most manifest in this behalf, if I may be suffered to have my books, as my request is.

"We may no more believe bread to be transubstantiate into the body of Christ, than the wine into his blood. The circumstances of the scripture, the analogy and proportion of the sacraments, and the testimony of the faithful fathers, ought to rule us in taking the meaning of the holy Scripture touching the sacrament: and they most effectually and plainly prove a figurative speech in the words of the Lord's supper. Therefore, a figurative sense and meaning is specially to be received in these words, 'This is my body.'-The circumstances of the Scripture are: 'Do this in remembrance of me.' 'As oft as ye shall eat of this bread, and drink of this cup, ye shall show forth the Lord's death.' 'Let a man prove himself, and so eat of this bread, and drink of this cup.' 'They came together to break bread; and they continued in breaking of bread.' 'The bread which we bread,' etc. 'For we being many, are all one bread,' etc."

The Third Proposition.

In the mass is the lively sacrifice of the church, propitiable and available for the sins as well of the quick as of the dead.

Ridley. I answer to this third proposition as I did to the first; and moreover I say, that being taken in such a sense as the words seem to import, it is not only erroneous, but withal so much to the derogation and defacing of the death and passion of Christ, that I judge it may and ought most worthily to be counted wicked and blasphemous against the most precious blood of our Saviour Christ.

"Concerning the Romish mass which you use at this day, or the lively sacrifice thereof, propitiatory and available for the sins of the quick and the dead, the holy scripture has not so much as one syllable. There is ambiguity in the name mass, what it signifieth, and whether at this day there be any such indeed as the ancient fathers used; seeing that now there be neither Catechists nor Penitents to be sent away. And then as touching these words, the lively sacrifice of the church, there is doubt whether they are to be understood figuratively and sacramentally, or properly and without any figure; of which manner there was but one only sacrifice, and that once offered, namely upon the altar of the cross. Moreover, in these words, as well as, it may be doubted whether they be spoken in mockery, as men are wont to say in sport, of a foolish and ignorant person, that he is apt as well in conditions as in knowledge; being apt in neither of them. Finally, there is doubt in the word propitiable, whether it signify here that which taketh away sin, or that which may be made available for the taking away of sin; that is to say, whether it is to be taken in the active, or in the passive signification."

The following is an abridged form of Bishop Ridley's argument on the sacrifice of atonement. "No sacrifice ought to be done, but where the priest is meet to offer the same. All other priests are unmeet to offer propitiatory sacrifices, save only Christ. Therefore, no other priests ought to sacrifice for sin, but Christ alone.

"After that eternal redemption is found and obtained, there needeth no more daily offering for the same. But Christ coming an high Priest, found and obtained for us eternal redemption. Therefore, there needeth now no more daily oblation for the sins of the quick and the dead. All remissions of sins cometh only by shedding of blood. In the mass there is no shedding of blood. Therefore, in the mass there is no remission of sins; and so it followeth also that there is no propitiatory sacrifice. In the mass, the passion of Christ is not in verity, but in a mystery representing the same. Where Christ suffereth not, there is he not offered in verity: for the apostle saith, 'Not that he might offer up himself oftentimes-for then must he have suffered oftentimes since the beginning of the world.' And again-'Christ appeared once in the latter end of the world, to put sin to flight by the offering up of himself. And as it is appointed to all men that they shall once die, and then cometh the judgment; even so Christ was once offered, to take away the sins of many. And unto them that look for him shall he appear the second time without sin unto salvation.' Where there is any sacrifice that can make the comers thereunto perfect, there ought men to cease from offering any more expiatory and propitiatory sacrifices. But in the New Testament there is one only sacrifice now already long since offered, which is able to make the comers thereto perfect for ever. Therefore, in the New Testament they ought to cease from offering any propitiatory sacrifices."

Dr. Smith, the principal opponent of Ridley, now drew the holy bishop into a most unprofitable controversy on the real presence. Scarcely an idea occurred which has not been more than once before the reader already. On which side the truth lay, may be seen from a few of Ridley's answers.

"You import as though I had made a strong argument by Christ's going up into heaven. But however my argument is made, you collect it not rightly. For it doth not only rest upon his ascension, but upon his abiding there also.-Of Christ's real presence there may be a double understanding: if you take the real presence of Christ according to the real and corporeal substance which he took of the virgin, that presence being in heaven, cannot be on the earth also. But if you mean a real presence, according to some thing that appertaineth to Christ's body, certainly the ascension and abiding in heaven hinder not at all that presence. Wherefore Christ's body after that manner is here present to us in the Lord's supper; by grace I say, as Epiphanius speaketh it.-I do not straightly tie Christ up in heaven, that he may not come into the earth at his pleasure. For when he will, he may come down from heaven, and be on the earth, as it liketh himself. Howbeit, I do affirm, that it is not possible for him to be both in heaven and earth at one time. "I do not bind Christ in heaven so straitly. I see you go about to beguile me with your equivocations. Such equivocations are to be distinguished. If you mean by his sitting in heaven, to reign with his Father, he may be both in heaven and also on earth. But if you understand his sitting to be after a corporeal manner of sitting, so is he always permanent in heaven. For Christ to be corporeal here on earth, when corporeally he is resident in heaven, is clearly contrary to the holy scriptures, as Austin saith; 'The body of Christ is in heaven, but his truth is dispersed in every place.' Yet I do not deny that Christ was seen, even here on earth, after he had risen. I account this a sound and firm argument to prove the resurrection. Whether they saw him in heaven or on earth, it maketh no great matter. Both ways the argument is of like strength. For whether he were seen in heaven, or whether he was seen on earth, either maketh sufficiently for the matter. Certain it is, he rose again: for he could not have been seen, unless he had risen again.

"He that found the means for Stephen to behold him in heaven, even he could bring to pass well enough, that Paul might hear him out of heaven.--I grant he was seen visibly and corporeally: but yet have you not proved that he was seen in earth.-Moreover, I say, that Christ was seen of men of earth after his ascension it is certain: for he was seen of Stephen; he was seen also of Paul. But whether he descended unto the earth, or whether he being in heaven did reveal or manifest himself to Paul, when Paul was rapt into the third heaven, I know that some contend about it: and the Scripture, as far as I have read or heard, doth not determine it. Wherefore we cannot but judge uncertainly of those things which be uncertain."

Smith. We have Egesippus and Linus against you, which testify that Christ appeared corporeally on the earth to Peter after his ascension. Peter overcome with the requests and mournings of the people, which desired him to get him out of the city, because of Nero's lying in wait for him, began without company to convey himself away from thence: and when he was come to the gate, he seeth Christ come to meet him, and worshipping him, he said, "Master, whither walk you?" Christ answered, "I am come again to be crucified." Linus, writing of the passion of Peter, hath the self-same story. St. Ambrose hath the same likewise, and also Abdias, scholar to the apostles, who saw Christ before his ascending in heaven. With what face therefore dare you affirm it to be a thing uncertain, which these men do manifestly witness to have been done?

Ridley suggested the uncertainty of this account; at the same time maintaining that even its certainty would not make against him. "I account not these men's reports so sure as the canonical scriptures. But if at any time Christ had to any man appeared here on the earth after his ascension, that doth not disprove my saying. For I go not about to tie Christ up in fetters; but that he may be seen upon the earth according to his divine pleasure, whensoever it pleaseth him. But we affirm, that it is contrary to the nature of his manhood, and the true manner of his body, that he should be together and at one instant both in heaven and earth, according to his corporeal substance."

Harpsfield now took up the papal cause against Ridley, and endeavoured to confound him by means of Chedsey's famous argument with Mr. Philpot, respecting the bequest of Elijah's mantle and spirit to his venerable successor in office. Of course the authority of Chrysostom on this subject was introduced, and the popish disputant thought his armour perfect proof, and his victory absolutely certain and secure. It is needless to repeat the dialogue, as it contains nothing beyond what has already appeared. It may be remarked that the wearisome repetition of the same authorities and the same sophistries to ensnare the reformers, is a standing proof of the desperate condition to which, both intellectually and religiously, the cause of popery was even then reduced. What effect such arguments at that time might have had on minds prepared for them by superstitions discipline, we are unable to say: certain it is, however, that in the judgment of all candid readers in the present day they must appear altogether puerile and unworthy even of serious contempt.

Weston and Cole successively followed Harpsfield in attacking the persecuted but patient bishop--who might well have said to either of them what the author of "Sacred Classics," in more modern times, said to a pert and prating chaplain, who was examining him for ordination--"I have forgotten more learning than you ever possessed!" Passing over their ridiculous efforts, we come to that of Dr. Glin, who claims more serious notice from his having been an old friend of Dr. Ridley. The following intercourse took place between them.

Glin. I see that you evade all scriptures and fathers; I will go to work with you after another manner. Jesus Christ hath here his church known on earth, of which you were once a child, although now you speak contumeliously of the sacraments.

Rid. This is a grievous reproach, that you call me a shifter-away of the scripture, and of the doctors: as touching the sacraments, I never yet spake contumeliously of them. I grant that Christ hath here his church on earth: but that church did ever receive and acknowledge the eucharist to be a sacrament of the body of Christ, yet not the body of Christ really, but the body of Christ by grace.

Glin. Then I ask this question-Hath the catholic church ever, or at any time, been idolatrous?

Rid. The church is the pillar and stay of the truth, that never yet hath been idolatrous in respect of the whole: but peradventure in respect of some part thereof, which sometimes may be seduced by evil pastors, and through ignorance.

Glin. That church ever hath worshipped the flesh of Christ in the eucharist.

Rid. And I also worship Christ in the sacrament, but not because he is included in the sacrament; even as I worship Christ also in the scriptures, not because he is really included in them. Notwithstanding, I say, that the body of Christ is present in the sacrament; but yet sacramentally and spiritually, according to his grace, giving life; and in that respect really, that is, according to his benediction, giving life. Furthermore, I acknowledge, gladly, the true body of Christ to be in the Lord's supper, in such sort as the church of Christ doth acknowledge the same. But the true church of Christ doth acknowledge a presence of Christ's body in the Lord's supper to be communicated to the godly by grace, and spiritually, as I have often showed, and by a sacramental signification, but not by the corporeal presence of the body of his flesh.

Glin. Augustine against Faustus saith, "Some there were who thought us, instead of bread and of the cup, to worship Ceres and Bacchus." From this I gather, that there was an adoration of the sacrament among the fathers; and Erasmus, in an epistle to the brethren of Low Germany, saith, that the worshipping of the sacrament was before Augustine and Cyprian.

Rid. We handle the signs reverently: but we worship the sacrament as a sacrament, not as a thing signified by the sacrament.

Glin. What is the symbol or sacrament?

Rid. Bread.

Glin. Therefore we worship bread.

Rid. There is a deceit in the word adoramus. We worship the symbols when we reverently handle them. We worship Christ wheresoever we perceive his benefits: but we understand his benefit to be greatest in the sacrament.

Glin. Think you that Christ hath now his church?

Rid. I do so.

Glin. But all the church adoreth Christ verily and really in the sacrament. Rid. You know yourself that the eastern church would not acknowledge transubstantiation, as appeareth in the council of Florence.

Cole. That is false: for in the same they did acknowledge transubstantiation, although they would not intreat of the matter, for that they had not in their commission so to do.--It was not because they did not acknowledge the same, but because they had no commission so to do.

Curtop. Reverend sir, I will prove and declare, that the body of Christ is truly and really in the euchariest: and whereas the holy fathers, both of the west and east church, have written many things and no less manifest of the same matter, yet will I bring forth only Chrysostom. The place is this: "That which is in the cup, is the same that flowed from the side of Christ." But true and pure blood did flow from the side of Christ. Therefore, his true and pure blood is in the cup.

Watson. It is a thing commonly received of all, that the sacraments of the new law give grace to them that worthily receive.

Rid. True it is, that grace is given by the sacrament, but as by an instrument. The inward virtue and Christ give the grace through the sacrament.

Wat. What is a sacrament?

Rid. I remember there be many definitions of a sacrament in Augustine; but I will take that which seemeth most fit to this present purpose. A sacrament is a visible sign of invisible grace.--The society or conjunction with Christ through the Holy Ghost is grace; and by the sacrament we are made the members of the mystical body of Christ, for that by the sacrament the part of the body is grafted in the head.

Wat. But there is difference between the mystical body and natural body.

Rid. There is, I grant you, a difference; but the head of them both is one.

Wat. The eucharist is a sacrament of the New Testament: therefore it hath a promise of grace. But no promise of grace is made to bread and wine: therefore bread and wine are not the sacraments of the New Testament.

Rid. I grant that grace pertaineth to the eucharist, according to this saying: "The bread which we break, is it not the communication or partaking of the body of Christ?" And like as he that eateth, and he that drinketh, unworthily of the sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord, eateth and drinketh his own damnation; even so he that eateth and drinketh worthily, eateth life and drinketh life. I grant also, that there is no promise made to bread and wine. But inasmuch as they are sanctified, and made the sacraments of the body and blood of the Lord, they have a promise of grace annexed unto them; namely, of spiritual partaking of the body of Christ to be communicated and given, not to the bread and wine, but to them who worthily receive the sacrament.

Wat. If the substance of bread and wine do remain, then the union betwixt Christ and us is promised to them that take bread and wine. But that union is not promised to bread and wine, but to the receivers of the flesh and blood. "He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood hath eternal life." Therefore the substance of bread and wine remaineth not.

Rid. The promise undoubtedly is made to the flesh and blood, but the same is to be received in the sacrament through faith. Every sacrament hath grace annexed unto it instrumentally. But there are divers understanding of this word "habet," "hath;" for the sacrament hath not grace included in it; but to those that receive it well, it is turned to grace. After that manner the water in baptism hath grace promised, and by that grace the Holy Spirit is given; not that grace is included in water, but that grace cometh by water.--There is no promise made to him that taketh common bread and common wine; but to him that receiveth the sanctified bread of the communion, there is a large promise of grace made: neither is the promise given to the symbols, but to the thing of the sacrament. But the thing of the sacrament is the flesh and blood.--This sacrament hath a promise of grace made to those that receive it worthily, because grace is given by it, as by an instrument; not that Christ hath transfused grace into the bread and wine.--There is no promise made to them that receive common bread, as it were; but to those that worthily receive the sanctified bread, there is a promise of grace made, as Origen doth testify.--The bread which we break, is it not a communication of the body of Christ? And we, being many, are one bread, one body of Christ.

Wat. What doth he mean by bread in that place?

Rid. The bread of the Lord's table, the communion of the body of Christ.

Wat. Hearken what Chrysostom saith on this place: "The bread which we break," etc. Wherefore did he not say participation? Because he would signify some greater matter, and that he would declare a great convenience and conjunction betwixt the same. For we do not communicate by participation only and receiving, but also by co-uniting, for likewise as that body is co-united to Christ, so also we, by the same bread, are conjoined and united to him. Rid. Let Chrysostom have his manner of speaking, and his sentence. If it be true, I reject it not. But let it not be prejudicial to me to name it true bread.

Wat. "All," saith Chrysostom, "which sit together at one board, do communicate together of one true body. What do I call," saith he, "this communicating? We are all the self-same body. What doth bread signify? The body of Christ. What are they that receive it? The body of Christ. For many are but one body." Chrysostom doth interpret this place against you. "All we be one bread, and one mystical body, which do participate together one bread of Christ."

Rid. All we are one mystical body, which do communicate of one Christ in bread, after the efficacy of regeneration. I speak of the bread of the Lord's table. It is one, the church being one, because one bread is set forth upon the table: and so of one bread altogether do participate, who communicate at the table of the Lord. All, I say, which at one table together have communicated in the mysteries might well so do. But the heavenly and celestial bread is likewise one, whereof the sacramental bread is a mystery; which being one, all we together do participate. I do distribute this word "all;" for all were wont together to communicate of the one bread divided into parts: all, I say, which were in one congregation, and which all did communicate together at one table.

Wat. What? Do you exclude then from the body of Christ all them which do not communicate, being present?

Fecknam. But Cyprian saith, "Bread which no multitude doth consume:" which cannot be understood but only of the body of Christ.

Rid. Also Cyprian in this place did speak of the true body of Christ, and not of material bread.

Feck. Nay, rather he did there speak of the sacrament in that tractation, "De Coena Domini," writing upon the supper of the Lord.

Rid. Truth it is, and I grant he entreateth there of the sacrament: but, also, he doth admix something therewithal of the spiritual manducation.

Smith. When the Lord saith, "This is my body," he useth no tropical speech: therefore you are deceived.

Rid. I deny your antecedent.

Smith. I bring here Augustine expounding these words, " 'Ferebatur in manibus suis--He was carried in his own hands.' How may this be understood to be done in man? For no man is carried in his own hands, but in the hands of other. How this may be understood of David after the letter, we do not find; of Christ we find it. For Christ was borne in his own hands, when he saith, 'This is my body,' for he carried that same body in his own hands." Augustine here did not see how this place, after the letter, could be understood of David; because no man can carry himself in his own hands: "Therefore," saith he, "this place is to be understood of Christ after the letter." For Christ carried himself in his own hands in his supper, when he gave the sacrament to his disciples, saying, "This is my body."

Rid. I deny your argument, and I explicate the same. Augustine could not find, after his own understanding, how this could be understood of David after the letter. Augustine goeth here from others in this exposition, but I go not from him. But let this exposition of Augustine be granted to you; although I know this place of Scripture be otherwise read of other men, after the verity of the Hebrew text, and it is also otherwise to be expounded. Yet to grant to you this exposition of Augustine, I say yet, notwithstanding, it maketh nothing against my assertion: for Christ did bear himself in his own hands, when he gave the sacrament of his body to be eaten by his disciples.--If Augustine could have found in all the Scripture that David had carried the sacrament of his body, then he would never have used that exposition of Christ. He verily did bear himself, but in a sacrament: and Augustine afterwards added quodam modo, that is, sacramentally.

Smith. You understand not what Augustine meant when he said "quodam modo;" for he meant that he did bear his very true body in that supper, not in figure and form of a body, but in form and figure of bread.

Then Dr. Tresham began to speak, moved (as it seemed to Ridley) with great zeal; desiring he might reduce him again to the mother church. He was unknown to Ridley, who thought him some good old man; but afterwards smelled a fox under a sheep's clothing.

Tresham. I bring a place here out of the council of Lateran, the which council, representing the universal church, wherein were congregated three hundred bishops and seventy metropolitans, besides a great multitude of others, decreed that bread and wine, by the power of God's word, was transubstantiated into the body and blood of the Lord. Therefore whosoever saith contrary, cannot be a child of the church, but a heretic.

Rid. Good sir, I have heard what you have cited out of the council of Lateran, and remember that there was a great multitude of bishops and metropolitans, as you said: but yet you have not numbered how many abbots, priors, and friars were in that council, who were to the number of eight hundred."

Another then came in, who Ridley knew not, and said, "The universal church, both of the Greeks and Latins, of the east and of the west, have agreed in the council of Florence uniformly in the doctrine of the sacrament, that there is the true and real body in the sacrament of the altar."

Rid. I deny the Greek and the east church to have agreed either in the council at Florence, or at any time else, with Romish church, in the doctrine of transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ. For there was nothing in the council of Florence, wherein the Greeks would agree with the Romanists; albeit, hitherto I confess it was left free for every church to use, as they were wont, leavened or unleavened bread.

Here cried out Dr. Cole, and said, they agreed together concerning transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ. Ridley meekly said that could not be.

Weston. I, with one argument, will throw down to the ground your opinion, out of Chrysostom; and I will teach, not only a figure and a sign or grace only, but the very same body, which was here conversant on the earth, to be in the eucharist. We worship the selfsame body in the eucharist which the wise men did worship in the manger. But that was his natural and real body, not spiritual: therefore the real body of Christ is in the eucharist. Again, the same Chrysostom saith, "We have not here the Lord in the manger, but on the altar. Here a woman holdeth him not in her hands, but a priest."

Rid. We worship the same Lord and Saviour of the world which the wise men worshipped in the manger; howbeit we do it in a mystery; and in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and that in spiritual liberty, as saith Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana: not in carnal servitude; that is, we do not worship servilely the signs for the things; for that should be, as he also saith, the part of a servile infirmity. But we behold with the eyes of faith him present after grace, and spiritually set upon the table; and we worship him which sitteth above and is worshipped of the angels. For Christ is always assistant to his mysteries, as Augustine also said. And the Divine Majesty, as saith Cyprian, doth never absent itself from the divine mysteries; but this assistance and presence of Christ, as in baptism it is wholly spiritual, and by grace, and not by any corporal substance of the flesh: even so it is here in the Lord's supper, being rightly and according to the word of God duly ministered.

Weston. That which the woman did hold in her womb, the same thing holdeth the priest.

Rid. I grant the priest holdeth the same thing, but after another manner. She did hold the natural body; the priest holdeth the mystery of the body. I say that Chrysostom meant it spiritually.

The prolocutor Weston, now dissolving the disputation, had these words: "Here you see the stubborn, the glorious, the crafty, the unconstant mind of this man. Here you see this day that the strength of the truth is without foil. Therefore I beseech you all most earnestly to blow the note, (and he began, and they followed,) 'Verity hath the victory!'" Disputation Had at Oxford the 18th Day of April, 1554, Between Master Hugh Latimer, and Master Smith and Others.

After these disputations of bishop Ridley ended, next was brought out master Hugh Latimer to dispute; which disputation began at eight of the clock in such form as before, and ended about eleven: but it was most in English, for Latimer alleged he was out of use with the Latin, and unfit for that place. There replied unto him master Smith of Oriel College; Dr. Cartwright, Harpsfield, and divers others had snatches at him, and gave him bitter taunts. He escaped not hissings and scornful laughings, no more than they that went before him. He was very faint, and desired that he might not long tarry; and he durst not drink for fear of vomiting. Latimer was not suffered to read what he had, as he said, painfully written; but it was exhibited up, and the prolocutor read part thereof, and so proceeded unto the disputation.

Weston. Men and brethren! we are come together this day, by the help of God, to vanquish the strength of the arguments, and dispersed opinions of adversaries, against the truth of the real presence of the Lord's body in the sacrament. And therefore, you father, if you have anything to answer, I do admonish you that you answer in short and few words.

Latimer. I pray you, good master prolocutor, do not exact that of me which is not in me. I have not these twenty years much used the Latin.

Weston. Take your ease, father.

Lat. I thank you, sir, I am well; let me here protest my faith, for I am not able to dispute; and afterwards do your pleasure with me. The conclusions whereunto I must answer are these:--

"The first is--That in the sacrament of the altar, by the virtue of God's word pronounced by the priest, there is really present the natural body of Christ, conceived by the virgin Mary, under the kinds of the appearance of bread and wine; in like manner his blood. The second is--That after consecration there remaineth no substance of bread and wine, nor any other substance, but the substance of God and man. The third is--That in the mass there is the lively sacrifice of the church, which is propitiable, as well for the sins of the quick, as of the dead.

"Concerning the first conclusion, I think it set forth with certain new-found terms that are obscure, and do not sound according to the speech of the scripture. But however I understand it, this I do answer plainly, though not without peril, that to the right celebration of the Lord's supper, there is no other presence of Christ required than a spiritual presence: and this presence is sufficient for a Christian, as a presence by which we abide in Christ, and Christ abideth in us, to the obtaining of eternal life, if we persevere. And this same presence may be called most fitly a real presence; that is, a presence not feigned, but a true and a faithful presence: which thing I here rehearse lest some sycophant or scorner should suppose me, with the Anabaptists, to make nothing of the sacrament but a naked and bare sign. As for that which is feigned of many, concerning their corporal presence, I for my part take it but for a papistical invention; therefore think it utterly to be rejected.

"Concerning the second conclusion, I dare be bold to say, that it hath no ground in God's word, but is a thing invented and found out by man, and therefore to be taken as false; and I had almost said, as the mother and nurse of the other errors. It were good for my lords and masters of the transubstantiation, to take heed lest they conspire with Nestorians, for I do not see how they can avoid it.

"The third conclusion, seemeth subtilly to sow sedition against the offering which Christ himself offered for us in his own proper person, according to those words of St. Paul, "That Christ his own self hath made purgation of our sins." And afterwards, "That he might be a merciful and faithful high priest concerning those things which are to be done with God, for the taking away of our sins." So that the expiation of our sins may be thought rather to depend on this, that Christ was an offering priest, than that he was offered, were it not that he was offered of himself; and therefore it is needless that he should be offered of any other. I will speak nothing of the wonderful presumption of man, to dare to attempt this thing without a manifest vocation, especially in that it tendeth to the overthrowing and making fruitless the cross of Christ; for truly it is no base or mean thing to offer Christ. And, therefore, well may a man say to my lords and masters, the offerers--"By what authority do ye this? and who gave you this authority? A man cannot take any thing, except it be given him from above; much less then ought any man presume to usurp any honour, before he be thereto called. Again, "If any man sin," saith St. John, "we have (not a master and offerer at home, which can sacrifice for us at mass) an advocate, Jesus Christ," which once offered himself long ago; of which offering the efficacy and effect is perdurable for ever, so that it is needless to have such offerers.

"What meaneth Paul when he saith--"They that serve at the altar, are partakers of the altar?" and--"So the Lord hath ordained, that they that preach the gospel, shall live of the gospel." Whereas he should have said, the Lord hath ordained, that they that sacrifice at mass, should live of their sacrificing, that there might be living assigned to our sacrificers now, as was before Christ's coming, to the Jewish priests. For now they have nothing to allege for their living, as they that be preachers have. So that it appeareth that the sacrificing priesthood is changed by God's ordinance into a preaching priesthood; and the sacrificing priesthood should cease utterly, saving inasmuch as all Christian men are sacrificing priests. The supper of the Lord was instituted to provoke us to thanksgiving, for the offering which the Lord himself did offer for us, rather than that our offerers should do there as they do. "Feed," saith Peter, "as much as ye may the flock of Christ;" but ye say, Nay, rather let us sacrifice as much as we may for the flock of Christ. If the matter be as men now make it, I can never wonder enough, that Peter would or could forget this office of sacrificing, which at this day is in such a price and estimation, that to feed is almost nothing with many. If ye cease from feeding the flock, how shall ye be taken? Truly catholic enough. But if you cease from sacrificing and massing, how will that be taken? At the least, I warrant ye shall be called heretics. And whence I pray you come these papistical judgments? Except, perchance, they think a man feedeth the flock in sacrificing for them: and then what needeth there any learned pastors? For no man is so foolish but soon he may learn to sacrifice and mass it.

"Thus I have taken the more pains to write, because I refused to dispute, in consideration of my debility thereunto: that all men may know I have so done not without great pains, having been allowed no man to help me. God is my witness that I would as fain obey my sovereign as any in this realm: but in these things I can never do it with an upright conscience. However, the Lord God be merciful unto us. Amen."

The prolocutor, on receiving this paper, addressed the venerable writer, artfully leading him by a train of familiar questions into an argument, the chief parts of which are as follow:

West. Then refuse you to dispute? Will you here then subscribe?

Lat. No, I pray be good to an old man. You may, if it please God, be once old as I am: you may come to this age, and to this debility.

West. You said on Saturday last that you could not find the mass, nor the marrow-bones thereof, in your book. What find you then there, in your book?

Lat. A communion; or two communions. I find no great diversity in them; they are one supper of the Lord. I like the last very well; but I do not well remember wherein they differ.

West. You call the sacrament the supper of the Lord; but you are deceived in that: for they had done the supper before, and therefore the scripture saith, "After they had supped." St. Paul findeth fault with the Corinthians, that some of them were drunk at this supper; and you know no man can be drunk at our communion.

Lat. The first was called Caena Judaica, "The Jewish Supper," when they eat the paschal lamb together; the other Caena Cominica, "The Lord's Supper."

Dr. Smith now interposed and said--"Because I perceive that this charge is laid upon my neck to dispute with you; to the end that the same may go forward after a right manner and order, I will propose three questions, so as they are put forth unto me. And first I ask this question of you, although the same indeed ought not to be called in question; but such is the condition of the church, that it is always vexed of the wicked. I ask, I say, whether Christ's body be really in the sacrament?"

To this Latimer replied--"I trust I have obtained of master prolocutor, that no man shall exact that thing of me which is not in me. And I am sorry that this worshipful audience should be deceived of their expectation for my sake. I have given up my mind in writing to master prolocutor."

Smith. Whatsoever ye have given up, shall be registered among the acts.

Lat. Disputation requireth a good memory; my memory is gone clean, and marvellously weakened, and never the better, I think, for the prison. I have long sought for the truth in this matter of the sacrament, and have not been of this mind more than seven years: and my lord of Canterbury's book hath especially confirmed my judgment herein. If I could remember all therein contained, I would not fear to answer any man in this matter.

In answer to a charge that he was once a Lutheran, he said boldly, "No, I was a papist: for I never could perceive how Luther could defend Luther's sayings or doings. If he were here, he would defend himself well enough. I told you before that I am not meet for disputations. I pray you read mine answer, wherein I have declared my faith."

Tresham. It is written, "Except ye shall eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall have no life in you." Which when the Capernaites and many of Christ's disciples heard, they said, "This is a hard saying," etc. Now that the truth may the better appear, here I ask of you, whether Christ, speaking these words, did mean of his flesh to be eaten with the mouth, or of the spiritual eating of the same?

Lat. Christ meant of the spiritual eating of his flesh, as Augustine saith.

Tresham. Of what flesh meant Christ? his true flesh, or no?

Lat. Of his true flesh, spiritually to be eaten by faith, and not corporally.

Tresham. Of what flesh mean the Capernaites?

Lat. Of his true flesh also; but to be taken with the mouth.

Tresham. They, as ye confess, did mean Christ's true flesh to be eaten with the mouth. And Christ also, as I shall prove, did speak of the receiving of his flesh with the mouth. Therefore they both did understand it of the eating of one thing, which is done by the mouth of the body.

Lat. I say, Christ understood it not of the bodily mouth, but of the mouth of the spirit, mind, and heart.

Tresham. I prove the contrary, that Christ understandeth it of the eating with the bodily mouth. For, whereas custom is a good interpreter of things, and whereas the acts put in practice by Christ do certainly declare those things which he first spake; Christ's deeds in his supper, where he gave his body to be taken with the mouth, together with the custom which hath been ever since that time of that eating which is done with the mouth, doth evidently intimate that Christ did understand his words here cited by me, out of John vi., of the eating with the mouth.

Lat. He gave not his body to be received with the mouth, but he gave the sacrament of his body to be received with the mouth; he gave the sacrament to the mouth, his body to the mind.

After further discussion with Tresham, Seton, Cartwright, and Smith, the prolocutor Weston attacked Latimer out of St. Augstine, saying:

"Augustine, in his Enchiridion, saith, 'We must not deny that the souls of the dead are relieved by the devotion of their friends which are living, when the sacrifice of the Mediator is offered for them.' Where he proveth the verity of Christ's body, and praying for the dead. And it is affirmed that the same Augustine said mass for his mother." To which the venerable man answered--"But that mass was not like yours, which thing doth manifestly appear in his writings, which are against it in every place. And Augustine is a reasonable man, who requireth to be believed no further than he bringeth scripture for his proof, and agreeth with God's word."

The prolocutor said, "Well, Mr. Latimer, this is our intent, to wish you well, and to exhort you to come to yourself, and remember that without Noah's Ark there is no health. What have they been that were the beginners of your doctrine? none but a few flying apostates, running out of Germany for fear of the fagot. What have they been which have set forth the same in this realm? a sort of light heads, which were never constant in any one thing, as it was to be seen in the turning of the table, when like a sort of apes, they could not tell which wy to turn their tails, looking one day west, and another day east; one that way, and another this way. They will be like, they say, to the apostles, they will have no churches! a hovel is good enough for them. They come to the communion with no reverence. They get them a tankard, and one saith I drink, and I am thankful; the more joy of thee, saith another. In them was it true that Hilary saith, 'We make every year and every month a faith.' A runagate Scot took away the adoration or worshipping of Christ in the sacrament, by whose procurement that heresy was put into the last communion-book; so prevailed that one man's authority at that time. You never agreed with the Zurichers, or with the Germans, or with the church, or with yourself. Your stubbornness cometh of a vain glory, which is to no purpose: for it will do you no good when a fagot is in your beard. And we see all, by your own confessions, how little cause ye have to be stubborn. The queen's grace is merciful, if ye will turn."

Latimer. You shall have no hope in me to turn. I pray for the queen daily, even from the bottom of my heart, that she may turn from this religion.

Weston. Here you all see the weakness of heresy against the truth: he denieth all truth, and all the old fathers.

The thus, good reader, thou hast the chief parts of this doctorly disputation showed forth unto thee, against these three worthy confessors and martyrs of the Lord, wherein thou mayest behold the disordered usage of the university-men, the unmannerly manner of the school, the rude tumult of the multitude, and the fierceness and interruption of the doctors. And what marvel, if the prolocutor, having the law in his own hand, to do what he listed, would say for himself, "Vicit veritas," although he said never a true word, nor made ever a true conclusion almost, in all that disputation.

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On the following Friday, April 20th, the commissioners sat at St. Mary's church, as they had done on the Saturday before, when Dr. Weston in an imperious manner demanded of Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, whether or not they would subscribe? He rudely told Cranmer that he had been overcome in the late disputation. The latter, in answer, charged him and his party with unfairness and blind partiality, urging that he had been overcome by noise only; and that he had no chance of success unless he had brawled as loud as they, and that four or five of them had frequently attacked him at once. Ridley and Latimer were asked what they would do? they replied that they would stand to what they had said: on which they were all called together, and sentence was read over them, that they were no members of the church: and therefore they, with their favourers and patrons, were condemned as heretics. And in reading of it--they were asked whether they would turn or not; but they bade them read on in the name of God, for they were not inclined to turn. So they were all three condemned.

To this sentence Cranmer first answered--"From this your judgment and sentence I appeal to the just judgment of God Almighty, trusting to be present with him in heaven, for whose presence in the altar I am thus condemned." Ridley followed the archbishop--"Although I be not of your company, yet doubt I not but my name is written in another place, whither this sentence will send us sooner than we should by the course of nature have gone." Latimer then said--"I thank God most heartily, that he hath prolonged my life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kind of death."

On the ensuing Saturday the papists had a mass, with a general procession and great solemnity. Cranmer was caused to behold the procession out of the grating of the Bocardo prison; Ridley from the sheriff's house; and Latimer being brought to see it from the bailiff's house thought that he should have gone thence to burning, and spake to one Augustine, a peace-officer, to make a quick fire: but when he came to Carfox, the Oxford market-place, where four ways meet, he ran as fast as his aged bones would carry him, to one Spencer's shop, and would not look towards the vain procession. On the following Monday, Weston took his journey up to London, with the letters certificatory from the university to the queen, by whom Cranmer directed his letters supplicatory unto the council: which the prolocutor opened by the way, and seeing the contents, sent them back again, refusing to carry them. Ridley also hearing of the prolocutor's going to London, sent to him his letters, which he desired him to carry up to certain bishops in London.

 

 

Proceedings of the Papists Against the Protestants.--Beheading of the Duke of Suffolk.--Declaration of Mr. Bradford and Others.--Marriage of Queen Mary With Philip, Prince of Spain.--Events That Followed the Marriage.

Having finished our account of the disputations between the Roman catholics and the protestant divines of the reformed religion, of Oxford, we shall now prosecute the historical narration of this tumultuous reign. So many things happened in different parts of the realm, that it is difficult to preserve due order of time in reciting them, we shall therefore return to the month of July, 1553, when the duke of Northumberland was brought to London, and the following persons of distinction were committed to the Tower with him. The earls of Warwick and of Huntingdon; lords Ambrose, Dudley, and Hastings; Sir John and Sir Henry Gates, Andrew Dudley, Sir Thomas Palmer, and Dr. Sands, chancellor of Cambridge. Of these lord Hastings was the only one who, on his complaint, obtained liberation.

The latter end of the same month several other noblemen and gentlemen, together with the bishop of London, and the chief justices of the king's bench and the common pleas, were committed either to the confinement of the Tower, or the custody of the sheriff of London.

Three days after, the queen entered the city, and her first concern was to liberate her friends. For this purpose she first proceeded to the Tower, where she remained seven days, and then removed to Richmond. She gave orders for Dr. Day to be delivered out of the Fleet, and Dr. Bonner out of the Marshalsea. The same day Tonstal and Gardiner were liberated from the Tower, and Gardiner was received into the queen's privy council, and made lord chancellor. The Latin Dirige was sung within the Tower by all the king's choristers, the bishop of Winchester being chief minister, and the queen and most of the council were present. A few days after, the king's remains were brought to Westminster and there buried; on which occasion Dr. Day, bishop of Chichester, preached. The same day a mass of Requiem was sung within the Tower by the bishop of Winchester, who had on his mitre, and performed all things as in times past; the queen being present.

Dr. Bourne preached at Paul's Cross soon after, and commands were issued throughout the city, that no apprentices should come to the sermon, nor bear any knife or dagger. Other committals to the Tower took place, among them Mr. Bradford, Mr. Beacon, and Mr. Vernon. The duke of Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, and the earl of Warwick, were arraigned at Westminster, and condemned the same day, the duke of Norfolk presiding as high judge. Soon after these cases were determined Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John and Sir Henry Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were arraigned and condemned, the lord marquis of Winchester being high judge. At the same time a letter was sent to Sir Henry Tyrel, and to Anthony and Edmund Brown, esquires, praying them to commit to ward all such as should contemn the queen's order of religion, or keep themselves from church, and there to remain until they should be conformable, and to signify their names to the council.

In the course of the month, Dr. Watson, chaplain to the bishop of Winchester, preached at St. Paul's Cross, at whose sermon were present the marquis of Winchester, the earls of Bedford and Pembroke, the lord Rich, and 200 of the guard with their halberds, lest the people should have offered to disturb the preacher. Apostacies now began. The duke of Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, heard mass within the Tower, after which they all received the sacrament in one kind only as in popish times. On the same day also the queen set forth a proclamation, signifying to the people that she could not hide any longer the religion which she from her infancy had professed, and prohibiting in the proclamation all printing and preaching--so adverse are the press and the pulpit to error.

The unhappy noblemen, however, found their apostacy unavailing to save their lives. Two days after they had bowed before the idolatrous mass, three of them had to bow their wretched heads beneath the axe of the executioner. They suffered on Tower-hill; and on the same day several others of the nobility heard mass within the Tower, and afterwards received the sacrament in one kind; some of them in sad preparation for the same fate. It was rumoured that Cranmer had promised to say mass after the old manner, and that he even had said it at Canterbury. Upon this, in order to check the evil effects of this artifice of his enemies, and to confirm his friends in their opinion of his steadiness, he published the following declaration, on Sept. 7, 1553.

"As the devil, Christ's ancient adversary, is a liar, and the father of lies, even so hath he stirred up his servants and members to persecute Christ and his true word and religion with lying; which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present time. For whereas the prince of famous memory, king Henry VIII., seeing the great abuses of the Latin mass, reformed some things therein in his life-time; and afterwards our late sovereign lord king Edward VI. took the same wholly away, for the manifold and great errors and abuses of the same, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy supper, according to his own institution, and such as the apostles used in the primitive church. To overthrow this the devil now goeth about by lying to restore his Latin satisfactory mass, a thing of his own invention and device. And to bring the same more easily to pass, some have abused the name of me Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, reporting abroad, that I have set up the mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say mass at the burial of our late sovereign, king Edward VI., and before the queen's highness, at St. Paul's church, and I know not where. And although I have been well exercised these twenty years to suffer and bear evil reports and lies, and have not been much grieved thereat, but have borne all things quietly; yet when untrue reports turn to the hindrance of God's truth, they are in no wise to be suffered. Wherefore these be to signify unto the world, that it was not I that set up the mass at Canterbury, but it was a false, flattering, lying and dissembling monk, one Dr. Thornton, who caused it to be set there without mine advice or counsel. The Lord recompense him in that day! And as for offering myself to say mass before the queen's highness, or in any other place, I never did it, as her grace well knoweth. But if her grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove, against all that will say the contrary, that all which is contained in the holy communion, set out by the most innocent and godly prince king Edward VI. in his high court of parliament, is conformable to that order which our Saviour Christ did both observe, and command to be observed, and which his apostles and the primitive church used many years; whereas the mass in many things, not only hath no foundation of Christ, his apostles, nor the primitive church, but is manifestly contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible abuses in it. And although many do report that Peter Martyr is unlearned; yet if the queen's highness will grant thereunto, I, with the said Peter Martyr, and other four or five which I shall choose, will, by God's grace, take upon us to defend, not only the common prayers of the church, the ministration of the sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies, but also all the doctrine and religion set out by our sovereign lord king Edward VI. to be more pure, and according to God's word, than any other that hath been used in England these 1000 years: so that God's word may be judge, and that the reasons and proofs of both parties may be set out in writing, to the intent, as well that all the world may examine and judge thereon, as that no man shall start back from his writing. And where they boast of the faith, that hath been in the church these 1500 years we will join with them in this point; and that the same doctrine and usage is to be followed, which was in the church 1500 years pasts; and we shall prove, that the order of the church, set out at this present in this realm by act of parliament, is the same that was used in the church 1500 years past; and so shall they never be able to prove theirs."

This protest of Cranmer obtained for him an almost immediate committal to the Tower. Latimer had been conducted to the same confinement the previous day. The queen was then at Richmond busied in preparing for her coronation. Anxious to know that the foes she most dreaded were safe, she came in little more than a week herself to the Tower, where she staid a short time to give every necessary direction concerning their secure custody and their purposed trial and punishment. After two or three days she proceeded from the Tower through the city, where many pageants were made to receive her, and thus she was triumphantly brought to Whitehall. On the following Sunday she went from Whitehall to Westminster Abbey, accompanied with most of the nobility of the realm, and all the foreign ambassadors, and the mayor of London, with all the aldermen. Out of the Abbey, to receive her, were brought three silver crosses, accompanied by about fourscore singing men, in very rich and gorgeous copes. Amongst them was the dean of Westminster, and divers of the queen's chaplains, all of whom bore some ensign in their hands; after them followed ten bishops, all mitred, with their crosier staves in their hands. In this order they returned from Westminster Hall, before the queen, to the Abbey, where she was crowned by Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and lord chancellor of England. At the time of the coronation, Dr. Day, bishop of Chichester, delivered a sermon to the queen and the nobiity. It was hoped that a general pardon would have been proclaimed within the Abbey at the time of her coronation; but all the prisoners of the Tower and of the Fleet were excepted, and upwards of sixty others.

The vice-chancellor of Cambridge challenged one Mr. Pierson, who still ministered the communion in his own parish, and received strangers of other parishes to the same, but would not say mass. Whereupon, within two days after, he was discharged from further ministering in his cure. The archbishop of York also was sent to the Tower, Oct. 4, 1553.

On Sunday, the 15th of October, Laurence Saunders preached at Allhailows in Bread Street, where he declared the abomination of the mass, with divers others matters, very notably and godly; whereof more will be heard hereafter. But about noon of the same day, he was sent for by the bishop of London, and from thence committed to the Marshalsea.

On Thursday, October 5th, the new parliament met. there had been great violence used in many elections, and many false returns were made; some who were known to be zealous for the reformation were forcibly turned out of the house of commons, which was afterwards offered as a ground upon which that parliament, and all acts made in it, might have been annulled. There came only two of the reformed bishops to the house of lords, the two archbishops and three bishops being in prison; two others were turned out, the rest stayed at home, so only Taylor and Harley, the bishops of Lincoln and Hereford, attended. When mass began to be said, they are reported to have gone out, and were never suffered to come to their places again, others say, they refused to join in that worship, and were in consequence violently thrust out. In the house of commons some of the more forward moved that king Edward's laws might be reviewed, but things were not yet ripe enough for that.

On Sunday, Oct. 20, Dr. Weston preached at Paul's Cross. In the beginning of his sermon he desired the people to pray for the souls of the departed. "You shall pray," said he, "for all them that be departed, who be neither in heaven nor hell, but in a place not yet sufficiently purged to come to heaven, that they may be relieved by your devout prayers." He named the Lord's table an oyster-board; said that the catechism in Latin lately published was abominable heresy, and likened its defenders to Juliam the apostate, and the book to a dialogue written by Julian, wherein Christ and Pilate were the speakers; with many other things. This sermon Mr. Cloverdale learnedly confuted in writing, and would have publicly read his refutation had he been allowed.

Soon after these events the vice-chancellor of Cambridge went to Clare Hall, and removed Dr. Madew, on account of his being married, and placed Mr. Swynbourne in the mastership there, by virtue of the lord chancellor's letters. On Oct. 28, the papists in King's College, Cambridge, revived their whole service again in the Latin tongue, contrary to the law, than not repealed; but anticipating its repeal very soon after. The vie-chancellor sent for the curate of the Round church in Cambridge, commanding him not to minister any more in the English tongue, saying, he would have one uniform order of service throughout the town, and that in Latin, with mass, which was established about the middle of November. The archdeacon's official visited Huntington, where he charged to imprison all such as disturbed the queen's proceedings, in hindering the Latin service, setting up their altars, and saying mass or part thereof; whereby it was easy to see how these men meant to proceed, having the law once on their side, who thus so readily, against a manifest law, would attempt the punishment of any man.

In December there were two proclamations at London; one for repealing certain acts made by king Edward, and for setting up the mass before the feast of the nativity. The other was, that no man should interrupt any of those who would say mass after it became established. The parliament continued till the 5th of December. In it were dissolved, as well all the statues made of praemunire in the time of king Henry VIII, as also other laws and statues concerning religion and administration of sacraments, decreed under Edward VI.; while it was appointed, that on the eve of St. Thomas ensuing, the old form and manner of church-service, used in the last year of king Henry, should again be restored.

About this time a priest of Canterbury said mass on one day, and on the following he came into the pulpit, and desired the people to forgive him: for he said he had betrayed Christ, not as Judas did, but as Peter did, and made a long sermon against the mass. At the beginning of the new year, 1554, four ambassadors came into London from the emperor, and were honourably received. Their names were, le compte de Egmont, le compte de Lalen, monsieur Corire, le chancelier Nigry. Very soon after, there were appointed a great number of new bishops, deans, and other church dignitaries; more than were ever made at one time since the conquest. They were, Dr. Holyman, bishop of Bristol; Dr. Cotes, bishop of West-Chester; Dr. Hopton, bishop of Norwich; Dr. Bourne, bishop of Bath; Dr. White, bishop of Lincoln; Dr. Mores, bishop of Rochester; Dr. Morgan, bishop of St. David's; Dr. Poole, bishop of St. Asaph; Dr. Brookes, bishop of Gloucester; Dr. Moreman, coadjutor to the bishop of Exeter, and after his decease bishop of Exeter; Dr. Glyn, bishop of Bangor; Mr. Fecknam, dean of St. Paul's; Dr. Reynolds, dean of Bristol; with several others.

The vice-chancellor of Cambridge now called a congregation general, wherein amongst other things he shewed, that the queen would have there a mass of the Holy Ghost upon the 18th of the following February, which was her birth-day. This was accordingly fulfilled on the day appointed, and that very solemnly. For opposing this measure Dr. Crome was committed to the Fleet, and one Addington was committed to the Tower. The same day, the bishop of Winchester declared openly in the court that the treaty of marriage between the queen's majesty and the prince of Spain was concluded: and the day following, the mayor, the aldermen, and several of the commons, were at the court, and there they were commanded by the lord chancellor to prepare the city to receive prince Philip of Spain; declaring unto them what a catholic, mighty, prudent, and wise prince he was.

Several additional arrests were now made: the lord Marguis of Northampton was again committed to the Tower, and Sir Edward Warner with him. Mr. Justice Hales was committed to the Marshalsea; and Mr. Rogers to Newgate. During several days about this time, the Londoners prepared a number of soldiers, by the queen's command, to go into Kent against the commons. These were commanded by the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Wormwood, Sir Henry Jerningham, Sir George Hayward, and ten other captains. The soldiers, when they came to Rochester bridge, where they should have set upon their enemies, most of them left their own captains, and came wholly to the Kentish men; and so the captains returned to the court both void of men and victory, leaving behind them six pieces of ordnance and treasure.

In January, the duke of Suffolk, with his brethren, departed from his house at Shene, and went into Leicestershire; after whom the earl of Huntingdon was sent to take him and bring him to London; and on his return proclaimed the duke traitor as he rode. A few days after his arrival in the city, he was arraigned at Westminster, and the same day condemned to die by his peers; the earl of Arundel being chief judge. The three sons of Lord Cobham, a noble family, every generation of which were faithful to the reformed cause, were also arraigned at Westminster: the youngest was condemned, whose name was Thomas; the other two came not to the bar. About the same time Lord John Gray was arraigned at Westminster, and condemned. Lord Thomas Gray, and Sir James Croft, were brought through London to the Tower, with a number of horsemen; and Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was committed to the same common receptacle.

The latter end of this month February, Henry Gray duke of Suffolk, was brought forth to the scaffold on Tower Hill, and in his coming thither there accompanied him Dr. Weston as his spiritual father, notwithstanding, as it seemed, against the will of the duke. For when the duke went up to the scaffold, Weston, being on the left hand, pressed to go up with him; when he, with his hand, put him down again off the stairs; but Weston taking hold of the duke, forced him down likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the duke again put him down. Then Weston said, that it was the queen's pleasure he should attend. Wherewith the duke casting his hands abroad, ascended up the scaffold, and paused a long time after. He then said, "Master, I have offended the queen, and her laws, and thereby am justly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient, and I pray God that this my death may be an example to all men, beseeching you all to bear me witness, that I die in the faith of Christ, trusting to be saved by his blood only, and by no other sacrifice; for Christ died for me, and for all them that truly repent, and stedfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me; and that when you see my breath depart from me, you will pray that he may receive my soul." And then he desired all men to forgive him.

Dr. Weston then declared with a loud voice, that the queen's majesty had forgiven him. With that several of the standers by said, with audible voice, "Such forgiveness God send thee!" The duke then kneeled, and said the psalm Miserere mei Deus unto the end, holding up his hands, and looking up to heaven. And when he had ended he said, "Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit." Then he arose, and delivered his cap and his scarf unto the executioner, who, on his knees asked the duke forgiveness. "God forgive thee, and I do," said the duke: "and when thou dost thine office, I pray thee do it well, and send me out of this world quickly, and God have mercy on thee." Then stood there a man who said, "My Lord, how shall I do for the money that you owe?" The duke said, "Alas, good fellow, I pray thee trouble me not now, but go thy way to my officers." He then tied a handkerchief about his face, kneeled down, and said the Lord's prayer, and, "Christ have mercy upon me." After which he laid his neck on the block, and the executioner took the axe, and at the first blow struck off his head, and then held it up to the people.

The same day about 240 prisoners received pardon, and came through the city with halters about their necks. The next day Sir William Sentlow, one of the lady Elizabeth's gentlemen, was committed as a prisoner to the master of the horse. On the day following Sir John Rogers was committed to the Tower. Within a few days after, all such priests in the diocese of London as were married were divorced from their livings, and commanded to bring their wives within a fortnight, that they might be like wise divorced from them; this was an act of the bishop's own power. The next month certain gentlemen of Kent were sent into that county to be executed, among whom we find the two Mantels, two Knevets, and Bret. When the elder Mantel was under the gallows, upon his being turned off the rope broke. Upon this the priests present urged him to recant, and receive the sacrament of the altar, promising him the queen's pardon: but this worthy gentleman rejected their insidious council, and chose rather to die, than live by dishonouring God.

We now come to the second year of the Mary's short and affecting reign. As Easter approached, every householder in London was commanded to appear before the alderman of his ward, and all were commanded, that they, their wives, and servants, should prepare themselves for confession, and receive the sacrament at Easter; and that neither they, nor any of them should depart out of the city until Easter was past. Additional excitement was produced by the lady Elizabeth, the queen's sister, being brought to the Tower. At the same time the marquis of Northampton, the lord Cobham, and Sir William Cobham, were released from their confinement. On Easter-day, in the morning, at St. Pancras in Cheap, the crucifix, with the vessel in which the host was kept, were stolen out of the sepulchre, before the priest declared the resurrection: so that when, after his accustomed manner, he put his hand into the sepulchre, and said very devoutly, "He is risen, he is not here," he found his words true, for that which he called the body of Christ was not there indeed. Whereupon, being half dismayed, the priests consulted among themselves, whom they thought the likeliest to do this; in which consultation they remembered one Marsh, who a little before had been dismissed from his parsonage because he was married, to whose charge they laid it. But when they could not prove it, being brought before the mayor, they then charged him to have kept company with his wife, since that they were by commandment divorced. Whereunto he answered, that he thought the queen had done him wrong, to take from him both his living and his wife: which words were then noted, and taken very grievously, and he and his wife were both committed to separate prisons, though he was ill and needed her care.

A ludicrous event distinguished the beginning of April. A cat was hanged upon a gallows at the cross in Cheapside, apparelled like a priest ready to say mass, with a shaven crown: her two fore-feet were tied over her head, with a round paper like a wafer-cake, put between them, as though in the act of elevating the host. At this the queen and the bishops were very angry; and the same afternoon there was a proclamation issued, that whosoever could bring forth the guilty party, should have twenty nobles, which were afterwards increased to twenty marks, but none could or would earn them.

The first occasion of setting up this gallows was well understood. After the bishop of Winchester's sermon before the queen, for the speedy execution of Wyat's soldiers, there were several gibbets set up in divers parts of the city; two in Cheapside, one at Leadenhall, one at Billingsgate, one at St. Magnus' church, one in Smithfield, one in Fleet-street, four in Southwark, one at Aldgate, one at Bishopsgate, one at Aldersgate, one at Newgate, one at Ludgate, one at St. James's Park corner, one at Cripplegate: all which remained for the terror of others, from February to June. But at the coming in of the queen's husband they were taken down.

It should have been remarked that when Wyat was brought to the scaffold on Tower-hill, he spoke these words concerning the lady Elizabeth, and the earl of Devonshire: "Concerning what I have said of others in my examination, to charge any as partakers of my doings, I accuse neither my lady Elizabeth's grace, nor my lord of Devonshire. I cannot accuse them, neither am I able to say, that to my knowledge they knew any thing of the rising." And when Dr. Weston told him, that his confession was otherwise before the council, he answered, "That which I said then, I said; but that which I say now is true."

Even at this dark and corrupt period the benefit of trial by jury was in some instances remarkably seen. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was suspected to be of the conspiracy with the duke of Suffolk and the rest against the queen. But he so learnedly and wisely behaved himself, as well in clearing his own case, as also in opening such laws of the realm as were then alleged against him, that the jury could not in conscience find him guilty; for which the jury being substantial men of the city, were each bound in the sum of 500 nobles, to appear before the queen's council at a day appointed there to answer such things as should be said against them. This conscientious jury appeared accordingly before the council in the Star Chamber, upon Wednesday, April the 25th, from whence, after certain questioning, they were committed to prison, Emanuel Lucas and Mr. Whetstone to the Tower, and the other ten to the Fleet. Sir James Croft and Mr. Winter, two friends of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, were imprisoned at the same time, and were soon after arraigned. Croft was sentenced, but the other re-committed. Soon after William Thomas was arraigned at Guildhall, and condemned; on the following day he was hanged, drawn, and quartered. His accusation was, for conspiring the queen's death, of which he was generally supposed innocent. This is certain, that he made a godly end, and wrote many fruitful exhortations and letters in the prison before his death.

A solemn disputation was now appointed at Cambridge, between Mr. Bradford, Mr. Saunders, Mr. Rogers, and their protestant friends, and the doctors of both universities on the papal side. Whereupon those defenders of the truth who were in prison, having notice thereof, notwithstanding they were destitute of books, and not ignorant of the purpose of their adversaries, and how the cause had been prejudged before at Oxford; nevertheless they thought that they ought not refuse the offer, if they might be quietly heard; and therefore wisely pondering the matter with themselves, by a public consent, directed out of prison a declaration of their mind by writing. Wherein first, as touching the disputation, although they knew that they should do no good, because all things were pre-determined; yet they would not refuse to dispute, if the disputation mighty be either before the queen, or before the council, or before the parliament, or if they might argue by writing; for else, if the matter were left with the popish doctors in their own schools, they had sufficient proof by the experience of Oxford, what little good would be done at Cambridge. Consequently, declaring the faith the doctrine of their religion, and exhorting the people to submit with all patience and humility, either to the will or punishment of the higher powers, they appealed from them to be their judges in this behalf, and so ended their protestation. This was drawn up by Miles Coverdale, late of Exon and signed on the 18th day of May, 1554, by thirteen reformers, among whom were Farrar, Taylor, Bradford, Philpot, Rogers, Saunders, Wigorn, Crome, and Glouces. Episcopus, alias John Hooper.

The lady Elizabeth, sister to the queen, now excited considerable attention and anxiety on both sides. On the 19th of May, in this year, she was brought to the Tower, and committed to the custody of Sir John Williams, afterwards lord Williams of Thame, by whom her highness was gently and courteously treated. She afterwards was sent to Woodstock, and there committed to the keeping of Sir Henry Benifield, knight of Oxborough, in Norfolk; who, on the contrary, both forgetting her estate, and his own duty, as it is reported, shewed himself more hard and straight towards her, than either cause was given on her part, or reason of his own should have led him. Some such restraint, however, was thought necessary on the part of her jealous and vindictive sister, especially in the immediate prospect of the Spanish prince, her husband, arriving in England. He landed at Southampton July 20th. As he placed his foot for the first time on British ground he drew his sword, and carried it a little way naked in his hand. This was interpreted as a sign that he intended to rule by the sword; but his friends ingeniously said, it imported that he would draw his sword for the defence of the nation. The mayor of Southampton brought him the keys of the town, which he took from him, and gave them back, without the least shew of his being pleased with this expression of respect. Five days after, the marriage took place in the cathedral church at Winchester by the bishop of Winchester, in the presence of a great number of noblemen of both realms. At the altar, the emperor's ambassador being present, he openly pronounced that, in consideration of that marriage, the emperor had granted and given to his son the kingdom of Naples, and other domains and titles. Whereupon the 1st of August following, there was a proclamation, that from that time forth the style of all manner of writing should be altered, and the following be used through the realm:--"Philip and Mary by the grace of God, king and queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the faith, princes of Spain and Sicily, archduke and duchess of Austria, duke and duchess of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant, count and countess of Hapsburg, Flanders, and Tyrol."

Of this marriage, as the papists chiefly seemed to be very glad, so several of them, after divers studies to shew forth their inward affections, made interludes and pageants. Some drew forth genealogies, deriving the pedigree of the prince from Edward III., and John of Gaunt. Among others, Mr. White, then bishop of Lincoln, who was intoxicated with a poet's as well as a partiot's joy at the marriage, made several verses, which were answered by the bishop of Norwich and other soberminded writers. In a short time, the king and queen removed from Winchester to several other places, and by easy journies came to Windsor Castle, where he was installed with the Order of the Garter. A remarkable circumstance occurred at this ceremony: a herald took down the arms of England at Windsor, and in the place of them would have set up the arms of Spain, but he was commanded by certain lords to restore the former to their place.

The peculiar fondness of papists for pageantry to every kind, as well as the general spirit of the age, was now manifested in the several progresses and processions of the new king and queen, as they were called, through some parts of the country and streets of the city. In addition to the display of flags and the discharge of cannon, giants were placed in conspicuous parts with addresses in their hands; conduits were built and adorned in the gayest manner; images of worthies, as they were called, were placed here and there, holding presents and inscriptions. Such was the fulsome desire to gratify the prince, that in one place were some verses describing the five worthies of the world in five Philips, namely, Philip of Macedon, Philip of Emperor, Philip the Bold, Philip the Good, and Philip prince of Spain and king of England! In other places he was saluted by an image representing Orpheus, and the English people likened to savage beasts, following after Orpheus's harp, and dancing after king Philip's pipe!

Bonner, bishop of London, with the pomp of all his prebendaries about him, in St. Paul's choir, the cross being laid along upon the pavement, and also the doors of the church being shut, proceeded to say and sing divers prayer: which done, they anointed the cross with oil in divers places, and afterwards crept unto it, and kissed it. Then they took the cross and set it in its accustomed place, and all the while the whole choir sang Te Deum, which ended, they rang the bells, not only for joy, but also for the notable and great fact they had done therein. The new prince was present, and after Dr. Harpsfield had finished his oration in Latin, he set forward through Fleet Street, and so came to Whitehall, where he with the queen remained four days, and from thence removed unto Richmond. The pageants being over, all the lords had leave to depart into their counties, with strait command to bring all their accountrements and artillery into the Tower of London. Now there remained no English lord at court, but the bishop of Winchester.

The king's gravity proved very unacceptable to the English, who love a mean between the stiffness of the Spaniards and the gaiety of the French. But if they did not like his temper, they were out of measure in love with his bounty and wealth: for he brought over a vast treasure with him, the greatest part of which was distributed among those, who, for his Spanish gold, had sold their country and religion. At his coming to London, he procured the pardon of many prisoners, and among others, of Holgate, archbishop of York, He also interposed for preserving lady Elilzabeth, and the earl of Devonshire. Gardiner was much set against them, and thought they made but half work so long as she lived. The earl of Devonshire, to be freed from all jealousy, went beyond the sea, and died a year after in Italy, some said of poison. Philip at first took care to preserve the lady Elizabeth on a generous account, pitying her innocence, and hoping by so acceptable an act of favour to recommend himself to the nation: but interest soon after fortified those good and wise inclination; for when he lost all hope of issue by the queen, he considered that the queen of Scotland, who was soon after married to the dauphin, was next in succession after lady Elizabeth,; so that if she should be put out of the way, the crown of England would become an accession to the French crown; and therefore he took care to preserve her, and perhaps hoped to have wrought so much on her by his good offices, that if her sister should die without children, she might be induced to marry him. But this was the only grateful thing he did in England. He affected so extravagant a state, and was so sullen and silent, that it was not easy for any to come within the court; and access to him was not to be had, without demanding it with almost as much formality as ambassadors used when they desired an audience: so that a general discontent was quickly spread into most places of the kingdom. But Gardiner was well pleased, for the conduct of affairs was put entirely in his hands.

In the month of September, bishop Bonner began his visitation. The chief purpose of it was to see whether the old service, with all its rites, was again set up; and to inquire concerning the lives and labours of the clergy, of their marriage, and their living chastely; whether they were suspected of heresy, or of favouring heretics. Bonner conducted himself on this occasion like a madman; for if either the bells were not rung when he came near any church, or if he had not found the sacrament exposed, he was ready to break out into the foulest language; and not content with that, he was accustomed to beat his clergy when he was displeased with anything; for he was naturally cruel and brutal. He took care to have those parts of scripture, that had been painted on the walls of the churches, to be washed off; and upon this it was said, that it was necessary to dash out the scripture, to make way for images, for they agreed so ill, that they could not decently stand together. Upon the Sunday following the bishop of Winchester, lord chancellor of England, preached at St. Paul's Cross before all the council. The gospel whence he made his sermon was from Matthew, chap. xxii., where the Parisees came unto Christ, and among them one asked Christ which was the greatest commandment. Christ answered, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thy neighbour as thyself: in these two are comprehended the law and the prophets." After a long declaration of these words, speaking much of love and charity, at last he had occasion to speak of the true and false teachers: saying, that all the preachers almost in king Edward's time, preached nothing but voluptuousness, and blasphemous lies, affirming their doctrine to be that false doctrine whereof St. James speaketh in his third chapter, that it was full of perverse zeal, earthly, full of discord and dissention, that the preachers reported nothing truly, and that if a man vowed to-day, he might break it to-morrow at his pleasure, with many other things. When he spake of the sacrament, he said, that all the church from the beginning have confessed Christ's natural body to be in heaven, and here to be in the sacrament, and so concluded that matter. He concluded the discourse by an extravagant piece of flattery on the king and queen.


--Footnote marker l--BT 4 words "wise prince he was"

When the treaty of the queen's marriage came to be known, the house of commons was much alarmed at it; and they sent their speaker with twenty of their members with an address to her not to marry a stranger: they were indeed so inflamed, that the court judged it necessary to dissolve the parliament. Gardiner, upon this, let the emperor know that the jealousies which were taken up on account of the match were such, that unless very extraordinary conditions were offered, it would occasion a general rebellion. He also wrote to him that great sums of money must be sent over, both to gratify the nobility, and to enable them to carry the elections to the next parliament in opposition to such as would stand against them. As for conditions, it was resolved to grant any should be demanded; for the emperor reckoned that if his son were once married to the queen of England, it would be easy for him to govern the councils as he pleased.

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Cardinal Pole Arrives From Rome.--His Absolution.--Gardiner's Sermon.--Nation Returns to Popery.--Faithfulness of the protestant Leaders.-- Difference of Sentiment Between Pole and Gardiner Respecting Heretics.

A treaty had commenced between Mary and the pope on her first coming to the throne, when the pope's legate at Brussels sent over Commendone, to see if he could speak with her, and to persuade her to reconcile her kingdom to the apostolic see. The management of the matter was left to his discretion, and the legate would not trust this secret to Gardiner, nor any of the other bishops. Commendone came over in the disguise of a merchant, and by accident met with one the queen's servants, who had lived years beyond sea, and was known to him, and by his means procured access to the queen. She assured him of her firm resolution to return to the obedience of that see, but charged him to manage the matter with great prudence; for if it were too early discovered, it might disturb her affairs, and obstruct the design. By him she wrote both to the pope and to cardinal Pole; and instructed Commendone, in order to the sending over Pole with a legatine power, which accordingly took place. On his arrival, he first addressed the king and queen, inviting them to return to the sheepfold of the church. The queen felt a strange emotion of joy within her, as he made his speech, which her flattering attendants encouraged her to interpret as a sign that she should have a son! On this prediction Te Deum was sung and bonfires soon blazed around the city. The priests proclaimed that another John the Baptist was at hand, who had leaped on the salutation of the vicar of Christ!! Both houses agreed on an address to the king and queen, that they would intercede with the legate to reconcile them to the see of Rome, and they offered to repeal all the laws they had made against the pope's authority, in sign of their repentance. Upon this the cardinal came to the parliament, which was held at Whitehall on account of her majesty's confinement there by indisposition. She sat with the prince under the cloth of state, and the cardinal sitting on the right hand, with all the other estates of the parliament being present: the bishop of Winchester being lord chancellor, began in this manner.

"My lords of the upper-house, and you my masters of the nether house, here is present the right reverend father in God my lord cardinal Pole, come from the apostolic see of Rome, as ambassador to the king and queen's majesties, upon one of the weightiest causes that ever happened in this realm, and which pertaineth to the glory of God, and your universal benefit. The which embassage their majesties' pleasure is to be signified unto you all by his own mouth, trusting that you will receive and accept it in benevolent and thankful wise as their highnesses have done, and that you will give an attentive and inclinable ear unto him." The lord chancellor having ended, the cardinal began his oration, declaring the causes of his coming, and his desires and requests. In the mean time, the court-gate was kept shut until he had made an end of his oration.

The next day after, the three estates assembled again in the great chamber of the court at Westminster; where the king and queen's majesties and the cardinal being present, they did exhibit (all kneeling on their knees) a supplication to their highnesses; which being read, the king and queen delivered the same unto the cardinal, who, perceiving the effects thereof to answer his expectation, did receive the same most gladly from their majesties: and after he had in a few words given thanks to God, and declared what great cause he had to rejoice above all others, that his coming from Rome into England had taken such happy success, he, by the pope's authority, gave them this absolution:--

"Our Lord Jesus Christ, who with his most precious blood hath redeemed and washed us from all our sins and iniquities, that he might purchase unto himself a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, and whom the Father hath appointed head over all his church, he by his mercy absolve you. And we by apostolic authority given unto us by the most holy lord pope Julius the third, his vicegerent on earth, do absolve and deliver you, and every of you, with the whole realm and dominions thereof, from all heresy and schism, and from all and every judgment, censures, and pains, for that cause incurred: and also we do restore you again unto the unity of our mother the holy church, as in our letters more plainly it shall appear: in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost."

This business finished, they all went into the chapel, and there singing Te Deum, with great solemnity declared the joy for this reconciliation. The report of the cardinal's quick success was with great speed sent unto Rome; as well by the king and cardinal's letters, which hereafter follow, as also otherwise. Whereupon the pope caused three processions to be made at Rome, and thanks to be given to God, with great joy, for the conversion of England to his church; and therefore praising the cardinal's diligence, and the devotion of the king and queen, on Christmas eve, by his bulls he set forth a general pardon to all such as did truly rejoice in the same.

On Sunday, December 2nd, Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and lord chancellor England, preached at Paul's Cross, at which sermon the king and cardinal Pole were present. He took for his text these words of the epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, "This also we know the season, brethren, that we should now awake out of sleep, for now is our salvation nearer than we believed." From them he shewed how the saying of St. Paul was verified upon the Gentiles, who had a long time slept in dark ignorance, not knowing God: therefore St. Paul, to stir up their heavy dulness, willed them to awake out of their long sleep, because their salvation was nearer than when they believed. In amplifying this matter, and comparing present times with theirs, he took occasion to declare what difference the Jewish sacraments had from those of the christians, wherein he used these words:--"Even as the sacrament of the Jews declared Christ to come, so do our sacraments declare him to be already come: but Christ to come, and Christ to be come, is not all one. For now that he is come, the Jews' sacraments are done away, and ours only remain, which declare that he is already come, and is nearer us than he was to the fathers of the old law; for they had him but in signs, but we have him in the sacrament of the altar, even his very body. Wherefore now also it is time that we awake out of our sleep, who have slept, or rather dreamed, these twenty years past, as shall more easily appear, by declaring at large some of the properties and effects of a sleep or a dream.

"And first, as men intending to sleep, do separate themselves from company, and desire to be alone; even so have we separated ourselves from the see apostolic of Rome, and have been alone, unlike any other realm in Christendom. Secondly, as in sleep men dream sometimes of killing, sometimes of maiming, sometimes of burning or drowning, sometimes of such beastliness as I dare not name, but will spare your ears; so we have in this our sleep, not only dreamed of beastliness, but we have done it indeed. For in this our sleep hath not one brother destroyed another? Hath not half our money been wiped away at one time? and again, those that would defend their conscience were slain, and others also otherwise troubled; besides infinite other things which you all know as well as I, whereof I appeal to your own consciences. Further, in a man's sleep all his senses are stopped, so that he can neither see, smell, nor hear; even so, whereas the ceremonies of the church were instituted to move and stir up our senses, they being taken away, were not our senses stopped, and we fast asleep? Moreover, when a man would gladly sleep, he will put out the candle, lest peradventure it may hinder his sleep, and awake him: so of late all such writers as did hold any thing with apostolic see, were condemned and forbidden to be read: and images, which were laymen's books, were cast down and broken.

"The sleep hath continued with us these twenty years, and we were all that while without a head. For when king Henry did first take upon him to be head of the church, it was then no church at all. After whose death, king Edward, having over him governors and protectors, who ruled as they listed, could not be head of the church, but was only a shadow or sign of a head, and at length it came to pass, that we had no head at all, no, not so much as our two archbishops. For on the one side, the queen being a woman could not be head of the church; and on the other side, our two archbishops were both convicted of one crime, and so deposed. Thus while we desired to have a supreme head among us, it came to pass that we had no head at all. When the tumult was in the north, in the time of king Henry VIII., I am sure the king was determined to have given over the supremacy again to the pope: but the hour was not then come, and therefore it went not forward, lest some would have said that he did it for fear.

"After this, Mr. Knevet and I were sent ambassadors unto the emperor, to desire him that he would be a means between the pope's holiness and the king, to bring the king to the obedience of the see of Rome, but the time was not yet come: for it might then have been said, that it had been done for a civil policy. Again, in the beginning of king Edwards's reign the matter was moved, but the time was not yet: for it would have been said, that the king being but a child, had been bought and sold. Neither in the beginning of the queen's reign was the hour come: for it would have been said, that it was done in a time of weakness. Likewise when the king first came, if it had been done, they might have said it had been done by force and violence. But now, even now, the hour is come, when nothing can be objected, but that it is the mere mercy and providence of God. Now hath the pope's holiness sent unto us this most reverend father, cardinal Pole, an ambassador from his side. What to do? not to revenge the injuries done by us against his holiness, but to give his benediction to those that defamed and persecuted him.

"And that we may be the more meet to receive the said benediction, I shall desire you that we may always acknowledge ourselves offenders against his holiness; I do not exclude myself from the number. I will 'weep with them that weep, and rejoice with them that rejoice.' And I shall desire you, that we may defer the matter no longer, for now the hour is come. The king and queen's majesties have already restored our holy father the pope to his supremacy: and the three estates assembled in the parliament, representing the whole body of the realm, have also submitted themselves to his holiness and his successors, for ever; wherefore let us not any longer stay. And even as St. Paul said to the Corinthians, that he was their father, so may the pope say, that he is our father: for we received our doctrine first from Rome, therefore he may challenge us as his own. We have all cause to rejoice, for his holiness hath sent hither and prevented us, before we sought him: such care hath he for us. Therefore let us say, 'This is the day which the Lord hath made, we will rejoice and be glad in it.' Rejoice in this day, which is of the Lord's working, that such a noble birth is come; yea, such a holy father as my lord cardinal Pole, who can speak unto us as unto brethren, and not as strangers. And let us now awake, who have so long slept, and in our sleep have done so much mischief to the sacraments of Christ, denying the blessed sacrament of the altar, and pulling down the altar, which thing Luther himself would not do, but rather reproved them that did it, examining them of their belief in Christ."

The above was the sum of his sermon. He afterwards prayed, first for pope Julius III., with all his college of cardinals, the bishop of London, with the rest of that order; then for the king and queen, and the nobility of this realm; and lastly for the commons of the same, with the souls departed lying in the pains of purgatory. A striking proof this of the ascendancy of the priesthood in the realm, since intercession for that entire order preceded prayer for the senators, nobles, and even the sovereign and the royal family. Nay, departed saints must wait their turn after the existing priesthood, foreign and domestic, supreme, superior, and subordinate, have been blessed with the intercessions of the congregation. This ended, the time being late, they began in St. Paul's to ring their evening song, whereby the preacher could not be well heard, which caused him to make an end of his sermon.

About this time a messenger was sent from the parliament to the pope, to desire him to confirm and establish the sale of abbey and chauntry lands, for the lords and the parliament would grant nothing in the pope's behalf, before their purchases were fully confirmed. Meanwhile the whole convocation, both bishops and others, were sent for to Lambeth to the cardinal, who forgave them all their perjurations, schisms, and heresies, and they all there kneeled down, and received his absolution; and after an exhortation and gratulation for their conversion to the catholic church made by the cardinal, they departed.

The new year, 1555, commenced with several arrests of protestants assembled for devotion. About thirty men and women of the city, with Mr. Rose, their minister, were taken as they were in a house in Bow church-yard, celebrating the communion, and were the same night all committed to prison. Two days after Mr. Rose was brought before the bishop of Winchester, the lord chancellor, and the same day committed to the Tower, after some communication between the bishop and him. It appears that a reference to the queen in his prayers was reported against him. He was charged with saying, and some of his congregation with repeating, these words--"God turn the heart of queen Mary from idolatry, or else shorten her days." There is reason to believe that the alternative of shortening her days was added by the accusers. The former petition however was enough to endanger their liberty and their lives. It was construed treason against her majesty. At the apprehending of Mr. Rose and his companions, word was brought thereof to bishop Hooper, being then in the Fleet; whereupon the bishop sent a letter of consolation to the said prisoners; enjoining them not to fear their adversaries, though he acknowledged the papist's church was more bloody and tyrannical, than ever was the sword of the heathens.

On Tuesday, the 8th of January, nineteen of the lower house of the parliament, with the speaker, came to Whitehall to the king, and offered him the government of the realm and of the issue, if the queen should fail, which was confirmed by act of parliament within ten days after. On the 16th of the same month, the parliament was clean dissolved; and on the 18th all the council went unto the Tower, and there the same day discharged and set at liberty all the prisoners, or most part of them, among whom were the late duke of Northumberland's sons, Ambrose, Robert, and Henry, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John Rogers, Sir James Crofts, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas Arnold, Sir George Harper, Sir Edward Warner, Sir William Sentlow, Sir Gawen Carew, Mr. Gibbes, Cuthbert Vaughan, with many others.

On January 22nd, all the preachers who were in prison, were called before the bishop Winchester, and certain others, at his house in St. Mary Overy's. Being asked whether they would convert, and enjoy the queen's pardon, or else stand to that they had taught; they all answered, that they would stand to that they had taught: they were then committed to straiter prison than before, with charge that none should speak with them: of whom, one James George, died in prison, being there in bonds for religion and righteousness' sake, and as he was exempted burial in the popish church-yard, was buried in the fields.

Cardinal Pole by no means sanctioned severe measures, for when the bishops, with the rest of the convocation-house, were before the cardinal at Lambeth, he desired them to repair every man where his cure and charge lay, exhorting them to treat their flock with all mildness, and to endeavour to win the people rather by gentleness, than by extremity and rigour, and so let them depart. Some complied; but a large portion remained in London further to excite the people of the metropolis in favour of popery. On the anniversary of St. Paul, then a high day in the city, there was a general and solemn procession through London, to give God thanks for their conversion to the catholic church. To set out their glorious pomp there were fourscore and ten crosses, one hundred and sixty priests and clerks, who had every one of them copes upon their backs, singing loudly. There followed also, for the better estimation of the sight, eight bishops; and last of all came Bonner, bishop of London, carrying a splendid box containing the host under a gorgeous canopy. There were also present the mayor, and aldermen, and all the livery of every occupation. Moreover the king also himself, and the cardinal, came to St. Paul's church the same day. As the king was entering the church, at the steps going up to the choir, all the gentlemen that of late were set at liberty out of the Tower, kneeled before him and offered unto him themselves and their services. The procession continued till sun set, and after the procession there was commandment given to make bonfires at night. Whereupon did rise among the people a doubtful talk why all this was done: some saying it was that the queen being likely to have a son; while others thought that it was for joy that the realm was joined again to the see of Rome.

It would appear that Gardiner and his abettors obtained considerable influence over the milder views of Pole, so as to induce him to sanction their bitter proceedings against some of the more distinguished and devoted protestants of the day: for, on Jan. 28, the bishops had commission from the cardinal to sit upon, and order, according to the laws, all such preachers and heretics as were in prison; and according to this commission, the same day the bishop of Winchester, and the other bishops, with certain of the council, sat at St. Mary Overy's church, and called before them bishop Hooper, Mr. Rogers, and Mr. Cardmaker, who were brought thither by the sheriffs; from whence, after communication, they were committed to prison till the next day, but Cardmaker submitted himself. The next day Hooper, Rogers, Taylor, and Bradford, were brought before them, and sentence of excommunication and judgment ecclesiastical was pronounced upon bishop Hooper and Mr. Rogers, by the bishop of Winchester, who sat as judge in Caiaphas's seat, and drove them out of the church, according to their law and order. Dr. Taylor and Bradford were re-committed to prison. On the day following Dr. Taylor, Dr. Crome, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Saunders, and Dr. Farrar, some time bishop of St. David's, were before the bishops. Dr. Taylor, Saunders, and Bradford, were excommunicated; and sentence being pronounced upon them, they were committed to the sheriffs. Crome desired two months respite, which was granted him: and Farrar was again committed to prison till another time. All these men shewed themselves to be learned, as indeed they were: but what availeth either learning, reason, or truth itself, where arbitrary will alone beareth rule?

After the examination and condemnation of these good men and preachers, commissions and inquisitors were sent abroad into all parts of the realm: by reason whereof a great number of most godly and true christians, especially of Kent, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk, were apprehended, brought up to London, cast into prison, and most of them afterwards either consumed cruelly by fire, or else through evil handling died in prisons, and were buried on the dung-hills or in the fields.

The parliament being dissolved, the first thing taken into consideration was the way to proceed against the heretics. Cardinal Pole had been suspected to bear some favour to them, but he took great care to avoid all occasions of being any more blamed for that; and indeed he lived in that distrust of all the English, that he opened his thoughts to very few: his chief confidents were two Italians who came over with him, Priuli and Ormaneto. Secretary Cecil, who in matters of religion complied with the times, was observed to have more of his favour than any other Englishman. Pole was an enemy to all severe proceedings; he had observed that cruelty rather inflamed than cured the distemper of heresy; he thought the better and surer way was to begin and effectual reformation of the manners of the clergy, since it was the scandal given by their ill conduct ignorance, that was the chief cause of the growth of heresy: so he concluded, that if a primitive discipline should be revived, the nation might in time be gained by gentle methods. Gardiner, on the other hand, being of an abject and cruel temper himself, thought the strict execution of the laws against the Lollards was that to which they ought chiefly to trust: if the preachers were made public examples, he concluded the people would be easily reclaimed: for he pretended that it was visible, if King Henry had executed the act of the six articles vigorously, all would have submitted. He confessed a reformation of the clergy was a good thing, but all times could not bear it. If they should proceed severely against scandalous churchmen, the heretics would take advantage that to deframe the church the more, and raise a clamour against all clergymen. The queen was for joining both these counsels together, and intended to proceed at the same time both against scandalous churchmen and incorrigible protestants.

 

 

Containing a Further Account of the Murdering of God's Saints, With the Processes and Names of Such Good Martyrs as in this Time of Queen Mary Where Put to Death.

Life and Martyrdom of John Rogers and Laurence Saunders.

On the 4th of February, 1555, suffered the constant martyr of God, master John Rogers, concerning whose life, examinations, and sufferings, the following particulars are set forth.

John Rogers, vicar of St. Sepulchre, and reader at St. Paul's received his education in the university of Cambridge, and at length was chosen chaplain to the English factory at Antwerp. There he became acquainted with Mr. Tindall, whom he assisted in his translation of the New Testament, and with Miles Coverdale, who, with several other protestants, had been driven from England on account of the five articles, in the latter end of the reign of Henry VIII. By conversing with these undaunted and pious servants of God, Mr. Rogers became learned in the scriptures, and finding, according to these sacred oracles, that matrimony was honourable to all, he entered into that state, and went with his wife to Wittenburg, in Saxony, where, through indefatigable study and application, he in a short time attained such a knowledge of the Dutch language as to be capable of taking charge of a christian congregation in that part of Europe. After abandoning his popish superstitions, this aged minister served his cure faithfully and diligently for many years, until it pleased God to dispel the mists of papal darkness from his native country and restore the glorious light of the pure gospel of Christ, by the introduction of his chosen servant Edward VI. to the English throne.

Mr. Rogers then complied with a request to leave his living in Saxony, and come into England to preach the gospel, without any previous condition, appointment, or establishment whatever: and having laboured in the vineyard of his Master for a time with great success, Dr. Ridley, then bishop of London, gave him a prebend in his cathedral church of St. Paul's: he was afterwards chosen by the dean and chapter one of the divinity-lecturers in that church. There he continued till queen Mary, soon after her accession, banished the true religion, and restored the superstition and idolatry of the church of Rome, with all the horrid cruelties of blood-thirsty Antichrist.

When Mary was in the Tower of London, imbibing Gardiner's pernicious counsels, Mr. Rogers preached at Paul's Cross, confirming those doctrines which he and others had taught in king Edward's days, and exhorting the people, with peculiar energy, to continue stedfast in the same, and to beware of the false tenets that were about to be introduced. For this sermon the preacher was summoned before the council, then filled with popish and bloody bishops; before whom he pleaded his own cause, in so pious and bold, yet prudent a manner, as to obviate their displeasure for that time, and was accordingly dismissed. But after Mary's proclamation to prohibit the doctrines of the reformed religion, Mr. Rogers, for a contempt of the same, was again summoned before a council of bishops, who, after having debated upon the nature of his offence, ordered him to keep close prisoner in his own house. There he remained a considerable time, till at the instigation of the sanguinary Bonner, bishop of London, he was removed to Newgate, and placed among common felons. What passed between him and the adversaries of Christ, during the time of his imprisonment, is not certainly known; but his examinations he left in his own hand-writing; the principal parts of which are here given.

The examination and answer of John Rogers, made to the lord chancellor Gardiner, and to the rest of the council, Jan. 22nd, 1555:--

First, the lord chancellor said unto me thus: "Sir, you have heard the state of the realm in which it standeth now."

Rogers. No, my lord, I have been kept in close prison; and except there have been some general thing said at the table, when I was at dinner or supper, I heard nothing; and there have I heard nothing whereupon any special thing might be grounded.

Then said the lord chancellor mockingly, "General things, general things! Ye have heard of my lord cardinal's coming, and that the parliament hath received his blessing, not one resisting it, but one man which did speak against it. Such an unity, and such a miracle, hath not been seen. And all they, of which there are eight score in one house, have with one assent received pardon of their offences, for the schism that we have had in England, in refusing the holy father of Rome to be head of the catholic church. How say you? are you content to unite yourself to the faith of the catholic church with us, in the state in which it is now in England? will you do that?"

Rog. The catholic church I never did nor will dissent from.

Gar. Nay, but I speak of the state of the catholic church, in that wise in which we stand now in England, having received the pope to be supreme head.

Rog. I know no other head but Christ of his catholic church, neither will I acknowledge the bishop of Rome to have any more authority than any other bishop hath by the word of God, and by the doctrines of the old and pure catholic church, four hundred years after Christ.

Gar. Why didst thou then acknowledge king Henry VIII. to be supreme head of the church, if Christ be the only head?

Rog. I never granted him to have any supremacy in spiritual things, as are the forgiveness of sins, giving to the Holy Ghost, authority to be a judge above the word of God.

Gar. Yea, if thou hadst said so in his days, thou hadst not been alive now. What sayest thou? make us a direct answer whether thou wilt be one of this catholic church or not, with us in that state in which we are now?

Rog. My lord, without fail I cannot believe, that ye yourselves think in your hearts that he is supreme head in forgiving of sins, seeing you and all the bishops of the realm have now twenty years long preached, and some of you also written to the contrary, and the parliament hath so long ago condescended unto it.

Gar. Tush! that parliament was with great cruelty constrained to abolish and put way the supremacy from the bishop of Rome.

Rog. With cruelty? why then I perceive that you take a wrong way with cruelty to persuade men's consciences, For it should appear by your doings now, that the cruelty then used hath not persuaded your consciences. How would you then have our consciences persuaded with cruelty?

Gar. I talk to thee of no cruelty, but that they were so often and so cruelly called upon in that parliament, to let the act go forward; yea, and even with force driven thereunto, whereas in this parliament it was so uniformly received.

Rog. I will first see it proved by the Scripture. Let me have pen, ink, and books, etc., and I shall take upon me more plainly to set out the matter, so that the contrary shall be proved to be true; and let any man that will, confer with me by writing.

Gar. Nay, that shall not be permitted thee. Here are two things, mercy and justice: if thou refuse the queen's mercy now, then shalt thou have justice ministered unto thee.

Rog. I never offended, nor was disobedient unto her grace, and yet I will not refuse her mercy. But if this shall be denied me to confer by writing and to try out the truth, then it is not well, but too far out of the way.

Gar. If thou wilt not receive the bishop of Rome to be supreme head of the catholic church, then thou shalt never have her mercy, thou mayest be sure. If thou wilt enter into one church with us, tell us that; or else thou shalt never have so much proffered thee again as thou hast now.

Rog. I will find it first in the scripture, and see it tried hereby, before I receive him to be supreme head. I find not the bishop of Rome in the creed. For the word catholic there signifieth not the Romish church: it signifieth the consent of all true teaching churches of all times and all ages. But how should the bishop of Rome's church be one of them, which teacheth so many doctrines that are plainly and directly against the word of God? Can that bishop be the true head of the catholic church, that doth so? That is not possible.

Gar. Shew me one of them-one! let me hear one.

Rog. The bishop of Rome, and his church, say, read, and sing, all that they do in their congregations, in Latin, which is directly and plainly against 1 Cor. xiv. To speak with tongues is to speak with a strange tongue, as Latin or Greek, etc.; and so to speak, is not to speak unto men, but to God. But ye speak in Latin, which is a strange tongue; wherefore ye speak not unto men, but unto yourselves and God only.

I was willing to have declared how and after what sort these two texts do agree; as, to wit, "to speak not to man, but unto God," and "to speak into the wind;" and so to have gone forward with the proof of my matter begun, but here arose a noise and a confusion. And here also I would have declared how they ought to proceed in these days, and so have come again to my purpose, but it was impossible; for one asked one thing, another said another; so that I was fain to hold my peace. And even when I would take hold on my proof, the lord chancellor bade to prison with me again. Then sir Richard Southwell said to me, "Thou wilt not burn in this gear when it cometh to the purpose, I know well that." To whom I replied, "Sir, I cannot tell, but I trust in my Lord God, yes;" lifting up mine eyes unto heaven.

Then my lord of Ely told me much of the queen's pleasure and meaning, saying that she took them that would not receive the bishop of Rome's supremacy to be unworthy to have her mercy, etc. I said I would not refuse her mercy, and yet I never offended her in all my life: and that I besought her grace, and all their honours, to be good to me, reserving my conscience. "A married priest, and have not offended the law!" cried they. I said I had not broken the queen's law, nor yet any point of the law of the realm therein; for I married where it was lawful. I married in Dutchland. And if you had not here in England made an open law that priests might have had wives, I would never have come home again; for I brought a wife and eight children with me: which ye might be sure I would not have done if the laws of the realm had not permitted it before. You say to me that there was never a catholic man or country who ever yet granted that a priest might have a wife. But I say that the catholic church never denied marriage to priests, nor yet to any other man." On giving this answer, Rogers was about to leave the chamber, the sergeant holding him by the arm ready to conduct him back to confinement. At his departure, the bishop of Worcester, who had before interposed with some trifling questions, taunted him with ignorance of what and where the true catholic church was-a taunt which might with much more justice have been addressed to him and his coadjutors in this persecuting course.

A second examination of Mr. Rogers soon after took place, most of which is here given in his own words. "Being asked again by the lord chancellor what I thought concerning the blessed sacrament: whether I believed it to be the very body and blood of our Saviour Christ, that was born of the Virgin Mary, and hanged on the cross, really and substantially? I answered, 'I have often told you that it was a matter in which I was no meddler, and therefore suspected of my brethren to be of a contrary opinion. Notwithstanding, even as the most part of your doctrine in other points is false, and the defence thereof only by force and cruelty; so in this matter I think it to be as false as the rest. For I cannot understand the words really and substantially, to signify otherwise than corporeally: but corporeally Christ is only in heaven, and so cannot Christ be so also in your sacrament. My lord you have dealt with me most cruelly, for you have put me in prison without law, and kept me there now almost a year and a half: for I was almost half a year in my house, where I was obedient to you, God knoweth, and spoke with no man. And now have I been a full year in Newgate, at great costs and charges, having a wife and ten children to provide for, and have not received a penny from my livings which was against the law.' To this Gardiner answered that Dr. Rdiley, who had given them me, was a usurper, and therefore I was the unjust possessor of them. I then asked, 'Was the king then an usurper, who gave Dr. Rdiley the bishopic?' To which the chancellor replied--Yes! Then he began to set out the wrongs that king Edward had done to the bishop of London, and to himself also. 'But yet do I mis-use my terms'--he confessed--' to call the king usurper.' "I asked him wherefore he put me in prison. He said, because I preached against the queen. I answered that it was not true; and I would be bound to prove it, and to stand to the trial of the law, that no man should be able to disprove me, and thereupon would set my life. I preached, I confessed, a sermon at the Cross, after the queen came to the Tower; but there was nothing said against the queen. He then charged me with having read lectures after, against the commandment of the council. To this I answered that I never did so, and said, let that be proved, and let me die for it.

"I might and would have added, if I had been suffered to speak, that it had been time enough to take away men's livings, and then to have imprisoned them after that they had offended the laws, for they are good citizens that break not laws, and worthy of praise, and not of punishment. But their purpose was to keep men in prison, until they may catch them in their laws, and so kill them. I might have declared that I most humbly desired to be set at liberty, sending my wife with a supplication, while I was yet in my house.

"I wrote two petitions to him out of Newgate, and sent my wife many times to him. Master Gosnold also, who is now departed in the Lord, laboured for me, and so did divers others take pains in the matter. These things declare my lord chancellor's antichristian charity, which is, that he hath and doth seek my blood, and the destruction of my wife and ten children.

"This is a short sum of the words which were spoken on the 28th of January, in the afternoon, after that master Hooper had been the first, and master Cardmaker the second, in examination before me. The Lord grant us grace to stand together, fighting lawfully in his cause, till we be smitten down together, if the Lord's will be so to permit it. Then the clock being, as I guessed, about four, the lord chancellor said that he and the church must yet use charity with me, and gave me respite till tomorrow, to see whether I would return to the catholic church again, and repent, and they would receive me to mercy. I said that I was never out of the true catholic church, nor would be: but into his church would I, by the God's grace, never come. 'Well,' quoth he, 'is our church false and antichristian?' I answered, 'Yea.' 'And what is the doctrine of the sacrament?' 'False,' quoth I; and cast my hands abroad. 'Come again to-morrow,' said the chancellor, 'between nine and ten.' 'I am ready to come again whensoever you call,' quoth I. And thus was I brought up by the sheriffs to the Compter in Southwark, master Hooper going before me, and a great multitude of people being present, so that we had much to do to go in the streets."

On the morrow the third examination went on. Mr. Rogers writes--"The next day, January 29th, we were sent for in the morning about nine o'clock, and by the sheriff's brought from the compter in Southwark to St. Mary Overy's. When Mr. Hooper was condemned, as I understood afterwards, then sent they for me. My lord chancellor Gardiner said--'Rogers, here thou wast yesterday, and we gave thee liberty to remember thyself last night, whether thou wouldst come into the holy catholic church of Christ again, or not. Tell us what thou hast determined, whether thou wilt be repentant and sorry, and wilt thou return again and take mercy?" 'My lord,' quoth I, 'I have remembered myself right well, what you yesterday said to me, and desire you to give me leave to declare my mind, what I have to say thereunto; and that done I shall answer to your demanded question. When I yesterday desired that I might be suffered by the scripture and authority of the first, best, and purest church, to defend my doctrine by writing, all the doctrine that ever I had preached, you answered, that it might not, and ought not to be granted me, for I was a private person; and that the parliament was above the authority of all private persons, and therefore the sentence thereof might not be found faulty and useless by me, being but a private person. Yet, my lord, I am able to show examples, that one man hath come into a general council, and after the whole had determined and agreed upon an act or article, some one man coming in afterwards, hath by the word of God proved so clearly that the council erred in decreeing the said article, that he caused the whole council to change and alter their act or article before determined. And of these examples I am able to shew two. I can also shew the authority of St. Augustine; that when he disputed with a heretic, he would neither himself, nor yet have the heretic to lean on the determination of two former councils, of which the one was made for him, and the other for the heretic that disputed against him; but he said that he would have the scriptures to be their judge, which were common for them both, and not peculiar to either of them.'

"I could also shew the authority of a learned lawyer. Panormitanus, who saith, That unto a simple layman that bringeth the word of God with him, there ought more credit to be given, than to a whole council gathered together. By these things will I prove that I ought not to be denied to speak my mind, and to be heard against a whole parliament, bringing the word of God for me, and the authority of the whole church 400 years after Christ, albeit that every man in the parliament had willingly and without respect of fear and favour agreed thereunto, which thing I doubt not a little of; especially seeing the like had been permitted in the old church, even in general councils; yea, and that in one of the chiefest councils, that ever was, unto which neither any acts of this parliament, not yet any of the late general councils of the bishops of Rome ought to be compared. For if Henry VIII. were alive, and should call a parliament, and begin to determine a thing, then would ye all say Amen: yea, and it please your grace, it is meet that it be so enacted.

'Here my lord chancellor would suffer me to speak no more; but bade me sit down, mockingly, saying, That I was sent for to be instructed of them, and yet I would take upon me to be their instructor. To this I said--'My lord, I stand and sit not: shall I not be suffered to speak for my life?' 'Shall we suffer thee to tell a tale, and prate?' said he. And with that he stood up, and began to face me, after his old arrogant proud fashion, for he perceived that I was in a way to have touched him somewhat, which he thought to hinder by dashing me out of my tale, and so he did: but he had much the like communication with me as he had the day before, taunt upon taunt, and check upon check. For in that case, being God's cause, I told him he should not make me afraid to speak.

"The lord chancellor on this exclaimed, 'See what a spirit this fellow hath, finding fault at mine accustomed earnestness, and hearty manner of speaking!' On which I said-I have a true spirit, agreeing to, and obeying the word of God; and would further have said, that I was never the worse, but the better, to be earnest in a just and true cause, and in my master Christ's matters: but I could not be heard. At length he proceeded towards his excommunication and condemnation, after that I had told him, that his church of Rome was the church of Antichrist, meaning the false doctrine and tyrannical laws, with the maintenance thereof by cruel persecutions used by the bishops of the said church. To be brief, he read my condemnation before me, particularly mentioning therein but two articles: first, that I affirmed the Roman catholic church to be the church of Antichrist: and then that I denied the reality of their sacrament. He caused me to be degraded and condemned, and put into the hands of the laity, and then he gave me over into the sheriff's hands, which were much better than his."

"After this sentence was read, bishop Gardiner sent Mr. Hooper and me to the Clink, there to remain till night; when it was dark, they carried us, Mr. Hooper going before with one sheriff, and I coming after with the other, with bills and weapons out of the Clink, and led us through the bishop's house, and St. Mary Overy's church yard, and so into Southwark, hence over the bridge in procession to Newgate, through the city. When the bishop had read the condemnation, I petitioned to see and speak to my wife, who was a stranger, and had ten children; but he said she was not my wife. I declared she was, for we had been married eighteen years. He still denied it, said I maintained open whoredom, and that I should not see her!"

While this excellent writer as well as patient sufferer remained in prison, he wrote his sentiments in a bold and manly strain, upon the evils and abuses brought into the country, and held out to its rulers, the vengeance that had fallen, in different ages, upon the enemies of truth. The following is a sample--"I am an Englishman born, and, God knoweth, do naturally wish well to my country. And I have often proved that the things, which I have much feared should come to pass have indeed followed. I pray God I may fail of my guessing in this behalf. And as touching your rejoicing, as though God had set you aloft to punish us by miracle, and to minister justice, if we will not receive your holy father's mercy, and thereby do declare your church to be true, and ours false; to that I answer thus: God's works are wonderful, and are not to be comprehended and perceived by man's wisdom nor by the wit of the most wise and prudent.-Our enemies sometimes cry out that we liken ourselves to prophets and apostles; but I answer the charge, that we make not ourselves like unto them, in the singular virtues and gifts of God given unto them; as of doing miracles, and of many other things. The similitude and likeness of them and us consisteth not in all things, but only in this, that is, that we be like them in doctrine, and in the suffering of persecution and infamy for the same.

"The apostles were beaten for their boldness, and they rejoiced that they suffered for Christ's cause. Ye have also provided rods for us, and bloody whips: yet when ye have done that which God's hand and counsel hath determined that ye shall do, be it life or death, I trust that God will so assist us by his Holy Spirit and grace, that we shall patiently suffer it, and praise God for it: and whatsoever become of me and others, which now suffer for speaking and professing the truth, yet be ye sure, that God's word will prevail and have the upper hand, when your bloody laws and wicked decrees, for want of sure foundation, shall fall in the dust.--Of what force, I pray you, may a man think these parliaments to be, which scantily can stand a year in strength? or what credit is to be given to these law-makers, who are not ashamed to establish contrary laws, and to condemn that for evil which before they affirmed and decreed to be good? Truly ye are so ready, contrary to all right, to change and turn for the pleasure of man, that at length I fear God will use you like changelings, and both turn you forth of his kingdom, and out of your own country."

After that John Rogers had been long and straitly imprisoned, lodged in Newgate amongst thieves, often examined, very uncharitably treated, and at length unjustly and most cruelly condemned by Gardiner, he was, on Feb. 4th, warned suddenly by the keeper's wife of Newgate to prepare himself for the fire; who being found asleep was with great difficulty awoke. At length being roused, he was led down first to Bonner to be degraded; which done, he craved of him one petition-that he might speak a few words with his wife before his burning. But that was denied him. "Then," said he, "you declare your charity, what it is."

Now when the time came that he should be brought out of Newgate to Smithfield, the sheriff came to him, and asked if he would revoke his abominable doctrines. To whom Mr. Rogers said, "That which I have preached I will seal with my blood!" "Then," said the sheriff, "thou art a heretic." "That shall be known," said Rogers, "at the day of judgment." "Well," quoth the sheriff, "I will never pray for thee." "But I will pray for you," replied Rogers; and so was brought the same day, which was Monday the 4th of February, towards Smithfield, saying the psalm "Miserere" by the way, all the people rejoicing at his constancy, with great praises and thanks to God for the same. And there, in the presence of Rochester, comptroller of the queen's household, sir Richard Southwell, both the sheriffs, and many people, the fire was put unto him; and when it had taken hold both upon his legs and shoulders, he, as one feeling no smart, washed his hands in the flame, as though it had been in cold water. After lifting up his hands unto heaven, not removing the same until such time as the devouring fire had consumed them, most mildly this happy martyr yielded up his spirit into the hands of his heavenly Father. A little before his burning, his pardon was brought if he would have recanted; but he utterly refused it. He was the first of all the blessed martyrs that suffered in the reign of queen Mary; those which had previously suffered having suffered as traitors. His wife and children met him by the way as he went towards Smithfield. This sorrowful sight of his own flesh and blood could nothing move him; but he constantly and cheerfully took his death with wonderful patience, in defence of the gospel of Christ.

Next to this faithful and holy man followed the Rev. Laurence Saunders, martyred at Coventry the next month. He was a man of good parentage. He was placed early at Eton school, whence, at a proper age, he was chosen to go to the King's college, in Cambridge, where he continued a scholar three years, and profited in knowledge and learning very much for that time; shortly after he quitted the university, and went to his parents, upon whose advice he consented to become a merchant, for that his mother, who was a gentlewoman of good estimation, being left a widow, and having a good portion for him among his other brethren, thought to set him in the way of wealth; and so he, coming up to London, was bound apprentice to Sir William Chester, who afterwards chanced to be sheriff of London the same year that Saunders was burnt at Coventry.

It happened that the master, being a good man, and hearing Saunders in his secret prayers inwardly to mourn by himself, called him unto him, to know the cause of his solitariness and lamentations: when, learning him not to fancy that kind of life, and perceiving also his whole purpose to be bent to the study of books, and spiritual contemplation, like a good and sensible man, wrote to his friends, and giving him his indentures, set him free. Thus Mr. Saunders being ravished with the love of learning, and especially with the reading of God's word, tarried not long in the traffic of merchandize, but shortly returned to Cambridge again to his study, where he began to add to the knowledge of the Latin, the study of the Greek tongue, in which he profited very much in a little time; presently after, he joined the study of the Hebrew. Then he gave himself wholly to the study of the holy scriptures, to furnish himself for the office of a preacher.

In the beginning of king Edward's reign, when true religion was introduced, he began to preach, and was so liked by them who then had authority, that they had appointed him to read a divinity lecture in the college of Fotheringhay, where, by doctrine and life, he edified the pious, drew many ignorant to the true knowledge of God, and stopped the mouths of adversaries. He married about that time, and in the connubial state led a life unblameable before all men. The college of Fotheringhay being dissolved, he was appointed a reader in the minster at Litchfield: where he so behaved himself in teaching and living, that his very adversaries bore testimony as well of his learning as of his piety. After a certain space, he departed from Litchfield to a benefice in Leicestershire, called Churchlangton, where he resided and taught diligently, and kept a liberal house. From thence he was orderly called to take a benefice in the city of London, called Allhallows, in Breadstreet. Then he was inclined to resign his cure in the country; and after he had taken possession of his benefice in London, he departed into the country, clearly to discharge himself thereof.

On Sunday, October 15th, in the forenoon, he delivered a sermon in his parish, treating on that place which St. Paul writeth to the Corinthians: "I have coupled you to one man, that ye should make yourselves chaste virgins unto Christ. But I fear lest it come to pass, that as the serpent beguiled Eve, even so your wits should be corrupt from the singleness which ye had towards Christ." He recited the sum of that true christian doctrine, through which they were coupled to Christ, to receive of him free justification through faith in his blood. The papistical doctrine he compared to the serpent's deceiving: and lest they should be deceived by it, he made a contrast between the voice of God and the voice of the popish serpent; descending to more particular declaration therefore, as it were to let them plainly see the difference that is between the order of the church service, set forth by king Edward in the English tongue, and comparing it with the popish service then used in the Latin tongue.

The first, he said, was good, because it was according to the word of God, and the order of the primitive church. The other, he said, was evil, and though in that evil be intermingled some good Latin words, yet was it but as a little honey or milk mingled with a great deal of poison to make them drink up all. In the afternoon he was ready in his church to have given another exhortation to his people. But the bishop of London interrupted him, by sending an officer for him. This officer charged him upon pain of contumacy forthwith to come to the bishop. And thus was Saunders brought before Bonner, who laid to his charge treason for breaking the queen's proclamation, and heresy and sedition for his sermon.

After much talk, the bishop willed him to write what he believed of transubstantiation. Saunders did so; and this writing the bishop kept for his purpose, as shall appear hereafter. Bonner sent him to the lord chancellor, who, being unable to resist his arguments, cried, "Carry away this frenzy-fool to prison." Here Saunders continued a whole year and three months; in which space he sent divers letters to divers men: as one to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer; another to his wife, and also to others. But of his cause and estate thou shalt now see what Laurence Saunders himself did write to the bishop of Winchester, as an answer to certain things wherewith he had before charged him:--

"Touching the cause of my imprisonment, I doubt whether I have broken any law or proclamation. In my doctrine I did not, forasmuch as at that time it was permitted by the proclamation to use, according to our consciences, such service as was then established. My doctrine was then agreeable unto my conscience and the same service then used. The act which I did (meaning his public teaching of God's word in his own parish, called Allhallows in Bread-street, in the city of London) was such as being indifferently weighed, sounded to no breaking of the proclamation, or at least no wilful breaking of it, forasmuch as I caused no bell to be rung, neither occupied I any place in the pulpit, after the order of sermons or lectures. But be it that I did break the proclamation, this long time of continuance in prison may be thought to be more than a sufficient punishment for such a fault.

"Touching the charging of me with my religion, I say with St. Paul: 'I confess, that after the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my forefathers, believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets, and have hope towards God touching the resurrection of the dead. And herein study I to have always a clear conscience towards God and towards men.' So that God I call to witness, I have a conscience. And this my conscience is not grounded upon vain fantasy, but upon the infallible verity of God's word, with the witnessing of his chosen church agreeable unto the same.

"It is an easy thing for them which take Christ for their true pastor, and be the very sheep of his pasture, to discern the voice of their true shepherd, from the voice of wolves, hirelings, and strangers: forasmuch as Christ saith, 'My sheep hear my voice, and I know them, and they follow me.' Yea, and thereby they shall have the gift to know the right voice of the true shepherd, and so to follow him, and to avoid the contrary, as he also saith, 'The sheep follow the shepherd, for they know his voice: a stranger they will not follow, but will fly from him, for they know not the voice of a stranger.' Such inward inspiration doth the Holy Ghost put into the children of God, being indeed taught of God, but otherwise unable to understand the true way of their salvation. And although the wolf, as Christ saith, cometh in sheep's clothing, yet by their fruits you shall know them. That the Romish religion is ravening and wolfish, is apparent in three principal points. It robbeth God of his due and only honour. It taketh away the true comfort of conscience, in obscuring, or rather burying, of Christ and his office of salvation. It spoileth God of his true worship and service in spirit and truth, appointed in his commandments, and driveth men unto that inconvenience, against which Christ with the prophet Isaiah doth speak sharply:--'this people honoureth me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me; they worship me in vain, teaching the doctrines and precepts of men.' And in another place--'Ye cast aside the commandments of God, to maintain your own traditions.'"

As a prisoner in Christ's cause, he resigned himself in such sort as to forbade his wife to sue for his delivery; and when others of his friends had by suit almost obtained it, he discouraged them, so they did not follow their suit, as may appear by the following letter to his wife:--

"Grace, mercy, and peace in Christ our Lord, Entirely beloved wife, even as unto my own soul and body, so do I daily in my hearty prayer wish unto you: for I do daily, twice at least, in this sort remember you. And I do not doubt, dear wife, but that both I and you, as we are written in the book of life, so we shall together enjoy the same everlastingly, through the grace and mercy of God our dear Father, in his Son our Lord Jesus Christ. And for this present life, let us wholly appoint ourselves to the will of our good God to glorify him either by life or by death; and even that same merciful Lord make us worthy to honour him either way as pleaseth him, Amen. I am cheerful, I thank my God and my Christ, in whom and through whom I shall be able to fight a good fight, and finish a good course, and then receive the crown, which is laid up in store for me, and all the true soldiers of Christ. Wherefore, wife, let us, in the name of our God, fight lustily to overcome the flesh, the devil, and the world. What our harness and weapons be in this kind of fight, look in the sixth chapter unto the Ephesians, and pray, pray, pray. I would that you make no suit for me in any wise. Thank you know whom, for her most sweet and comfortable putting me in remembrance of my journey whither I am passing. God send us all good speed, and a joyful meeting. I have too few such friends to further me in that journey, which is indeed the greatest friendship. The blessing of God be with you all, Amen.
"A prisoner in the Lord, L. Saunders."

The constancy of this faithful servant of Christ, even unto the end, is sufficiently manifested and declared by his valiant contest with those two powerful enemies, antichrist and death: to neither of these did he give place, and finally triumphed over both. When he was in confinement, an order was sent to the keeper that no person should speak with him; but his wife coming to the prison gate with her young child in her arms, the keeper, though he durst not, on account of his charge, suffer her to come into the prison, yet he took the infant from her, and brought him to his father. Mr. Saunders, seeing the child, said, that he rejoiced, more to have such a boy, than he should if two thousand pounds were given him. And to the standers-by, who praised the goodliness of the child, he said, "What man, fearing God, would not lose his life, rather, than by prolonging it, he should adjudge this boy to be a bastard? Yea, if there were no other cause, for which a man of my estate should lose his life, yet who would not give it, to vouch this child to be legitimate, and our marriage to be lawful and holy?"

I do, good reader, recite this saying, not only to let thee see what be thought of priests' marriage; but chiefly to let all married couples learn to bear in their bosom true affections, unfeignedly mortified to do the natural works and offices of married couples, so long as with their doing they may keep Christ with a free confessing faith in a conscience unsoiled.

And now to come to the examination of this good man: after that the bishops had kept him one whole year and a quarter in prison, at length they called him, as they did the rest of his fellows, openly to be examined. Of which first examination the effect and purport thus followeth:

Praised be our gracious God who preserveth his from evil, and doth give them grace to avoid all such offences as might hinder his honour, or hurt his church.-Being convented before the queen's most honourable council, sundry bishops being present, the lord chancellor began thus to speak:

Lord Chan. It is not unknown, that you have been a prisoner for such abominable heresies and false doctrine as have been sown by you; and now it is thought good that mercy be shewed to such as seek for it. Wherefore if now you will shew yourself conformable, and come home again, mercy is ready. We must say that we have fallen in manner all: but now we are risen again, and returned to the catholic church; you must rise with us, and come home unto it. Give us forthwith a direct answer.

Saun. My lord, and my lords all, may it please your honours to give me leave to answer with deliberation.

Chan. Leave off your painting and pride of speech: for such is the fashion of you all, to please yourselves in your glorious words. Answer yes, or no.

Saun. My lord, it is no time for me now to paint. And as for pride, there is no great cause why it should be in me; my learning I confess to be but small; and as for riches or worldly wealth, I have none at all. Notwithstanding, it standeth me in hand to answer your demand circumspectly, considering that one of these two extreme perils is likely to fall upon me, namely, the losing of a good conscience or the losing of this my body and life. And I tell you truth, I love both life and liberty, if I could enjoy them without the hurt of my conscience.

Chan. Conscience! you have none at all, but pride and arrogancy, dividing yourself by singularity from the church.

Saun. The Lord is the knower of all men's consciences. And where your lordship layeth to my charge this dividing myself from the church, I do assure you that I live in the faith wherein I have been brought up since I was fourteen years of age; being taught that the power of the bishop of Rome is but usurped, with many other abuses springing thereof. Yes, this I have received even at your hands, as a thing agreed upon by the catholic church and public authority.

Chan. But have you received, by consent and authority, all your heresies of the blessed sacrament of the altar?

Saun. My lord, it is less offence to cut off an arm, hand, or joint of man, than to cut off the head. For the man may live though he lose an arm, hand, or joint; but he cannot without his head. Now you all agreed to cut off the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, whom now you will have to be the head of the church again.

Bonner interposed with a single accusation, by which he hoped to render him at once self-confounded. Addressing the chancellor, he obsequiously said--"And if it please your lordship, I have this man's hand-writing against the blessed sacrament." Then turning scornfully to Saunders, he asked--"How are you able to answer that?"

Saun. What I have written, that I have written, and further I will not accuse myself. Nothing have you to burden me withal, for breaking of your laws since they were in force.

Chan. Well, you are obstinate, and refuse liberty.

Saun. My lord, I may not buy liberty at such a price; but I beseech your honours to be means to the queen's majesty for such a pardon for us, that we may live and keep our consciences unclogged, and we shall live as most obedient subjects. Otherwise, I must say for myself, that by God's grace I will abide the utmost extremity that man may do against me, rather than act against my conscience.

Chan. Ah, sirrah, you will live as you like. The Donatists did desire to live in singularity; but indeed they were not fit to live on earth: no more are you, and that you shall understand within these seven days: and therefore away with him.

Saun. Welcome be it, whatsoever the will of God shall be, either life or death. And I tell you truly, I have learned to die. But I exhort you to beware of shedding innocent blood. Truly it will cry. The Spirit of God rest upon you all. Amen.

This examination being ended, the officers led him out of the place, and stayed until the rest of his fellow-prisoners were likewise examined, that they might have them all together to prison. Mr. Saunders, standing among the officers, seeing there a great multitude of people, spoke freely, warning them all of that which by their falling from Christ to antichrist they deserved; and therefore exhorting them by repentance to rise again, and to embrace Christ with stronger faith, to confess him to the end, in the defiance of antichrist, sin, death, and the devil: so should they retain the Lord's favour and blessing. This faithful procedure did not, of course, produce either a diminution of his adversaries' cruelty or a delay of his mortal suffering. It rather augmented the one and accelerated the other. Almost immediately he was delivered over to the secular power, and was brought by the sheriffs of London to the compter, a prisoner in his own parish of Bread-street; whereat he rejoiced greatly, both because he found there a fellow-prisoner, Mr. Cardmaker, with whom he had much christian and comfortable discourse; and because out of prison, as before out of a pulpit, he might have an opportunity of preaching to his parishioners.

On the fourth day of February, Bonner came to the prison to degrade him: which when he had done, Mr. Saunders said to him, "I thank God I am none of your church." The day following in the morning, the sheriff of London delivered him to certain of the queen's guard, which were appointed to carry him to the city of Coventry, there to be burned. On his arrival there, a poor shoemaker, who used to serve him, came to him, and said, "O my good master, God strengthen and comfort you." "Good shoemaker," replied he, "I desire thee to pray for me, for I am the most unfit man for this high office that ever was appointed to it: but my gracious God and dear Father is able to make me strong enough." The same night he was put into the common gaol among other prisoners, where he slept little, but spent the night in prayer, and instructing others.

The next day, being the 8th of February, he was led to the place of execution in the park, without the city, clad in an old gown and shirt, bare-footed, and oftentimes falling on the ground for prayer. When he was come nigh to the place, the officer appointed to see the execution done, said to Mr. Saunders, that he was one of them who marred the queen's realm with false doctrine and heresy, wherefore he deserved death; but yet if he would revoke his heresies, the queen would pardon him; if not, yonder fire was prepared for him. To whom Mr. Saunders answered, "It is not I, nor my fellow-preachers of God's truth, that have hurt the queen's realm; but it is yourself, and such as you are, who have always resisted God's holy word; it is you who mar the queen's realm. I hold no heresies, but the doctrine of God, the blessed gospel of Christ: that hold I, that believe I, that have I taught, and that will I never revoke." With that his tormentor cried, "Away with him." And away from him went Mr. Saunders, with a cheerful courage, towards the fire. He fell to the ground once more and prayed: he rose up again and took the stake to which he should be chained in his arms, and kissed it, saying, "Welcome the cross of Christ, welcome everlasting life:" and being fastened to the stake, and fire put to him, he sweetly slept in

the Lord. In his life he appeared often prophetic. He had often told his friends, that many would suffer, if ever Mary ascended the throne.

Before we take our final leave of him, one remarkable circumstance in reference to an earlier period of his course, merits attention. He was acquainted with one Dr. Pendleton, an earnest preacher in king Edwards reign. Meeting together in the country, they debated upon what they had best do in the dangerous time that Mary's accession had brought upon them. Saunders confessed that his spirit was ready, but he felt the flesh was at present too weak for much suffering. But Pendleton admonished him, and appeared all courage and forwardness to face every peril. They both came under the controul of circumstances to London, and there, when danger arose, Pendleton shrunk from the cross, and Saunders resolutely took it up! "Let him that thinketh to stand, take heed lest he fall."

 

  

The Life and Martyrdom of John Hooper, Bishop of Worchester and Gloucester.

John Hooper, student and graduate in the university of Oxford, having made great advances in the study of the sciences, was stirred with a fervent desire to the love and knowledge of the scriptures. Advancing more and more, by God's grace, in ripeness and spiritual understanding, and shewing withal some sparks of his spirit, being then about the beginning of the six articles, in the time of king Henry VIII. fell quickly into the displeasure and hatred of certain doctors in Oxford, who soon discovered their enmity to him, till at length, by the procurement of Dr. Smith, he was compelled to quit the university. Removing from thence, he was retained in the house of Sir Thomas Arundel, in the capacity of steward, till Sir Thomas, having intelligence of his opinions and religion, which he in no case did favour, and yet exceedingly favouring the person and character of the man, found the means to send him with a message to the bishop of Winchester, writing his letter privily to the bishop, by conference of learning to do some good unto him, but in any case requiring him to send home his servant to him again. The bishop received him courteously; but after long conference with him, perceiving that neither he could do that good which he thought to him, nor that he would take any good at his hand, according to Arundel's request, sent him home again, commending his learning and wit, but yet bearing in his breast a secret enmity against him.

Not long after this, as malice is always working mischief, intelligence was given to Mr. Hooper to provide for himself, for danger was arising against him; whereupon he left Sir Thomas Arundel's house, and borrowing a horse of a friend, whose life he had saved, took his journey to the sea side to go to France, sending back the horse again by one, who indeed did not deliver him to the owner. Mr. Hooper being at Paris, remained there not long, but in a short time returned into England again, and was retained by Mr. Sentlow, till he was again molested and sought for: when he was compelled under the pretence of being captain of a ship going to Ireland, to take to the seas, and so escaped through France to the higher parts of Germany; where, commencing acquaintance with learned men, he was by them friendly and lovingly entertained, both at Basil and at Zurich: at the latter place in particular by Mr. Bullinger. Here he also married, and applied very studiously to the study of the Hebrew tongue.

At length, when God saw it good to end the bloody persecution which arose from the six articles, and to give king Edward to reign over this realm, with some peace and rest unto the church, amongst many other English exiles who then repaired homeward, was Mr. Hooper, who thought it his duty to forward the cause of God in his native country. Coming to Mr. Bullinger, and other of his acquaintance in Zurich, to give them thanks for their singular kindness towards him, his kind host thus addressed him, "Mr. Hooper, although we are sorry to part with your company for your own cause, yet much greater cause have we to rejoice, both for your sake, and especially for the cause of Christ's true religion, that you shall now return out of long banishment to your native country, where you may not only enjoy your own private liberty, but also the cause and state of Christ's church by you may fare the better, as we doubt not but it will. Another cause why we rejoice with you and for you, is this; that you shall remove not only out of exile into liberty, but leave here a barren, sour, and unpleasant country, rude and savage, and shall go into a land flowing with milk and honey, replenished with all fertility. But with this our rejoicing, one fear and care we have, lest you being absent, and so far distant from us, or else coming to such abundance of wealth and felicity, in your new welfare and plenty of all things, and in your flourishing honours, where you shall come peradventure to be a bishop, and where you shall find so many new friends, you will forget us your old acquaintance and well-wishers. If however you shall forget and shake us off, yet this persuade yourself, that we will not forget our old friend. And if you will please not to forget us, then I pray you let us hear from you."

Mr. Hooper gave Mr. Bullinger and the rest hearty thanks, for their singular good-will and undeserved affection, appearing not only now, but at all times towards him; declaring, moreover, that as the principal cause of his removing to his country was the matter of religion; so touching the unpleasantness and barrenness of that country of theirs, there was no cause therein why he could not find in his heart to continue his life there, as soon as in any place in the world, and rather than his own native country, if there were nothing else in his conscience that moved him to change. And as to the forgetting his old friends, although the remembrance of a man's country naturally delights him, and he could not deny but God had blessed his country with many great advantages; yet neither the nature of country, nor pleasure of advantages, nor newness of friends, should ever induce him to the oblivion of such benefactors, to whom he was so entirely bound; and therefore they should be sure from time to time to hear from him But the last news of all I may not be able to write; "for there," said he, (taking Mr. Bullinger by the hand) "where I shall take most pains, there shall you hear of me to be burned to ashes: and that shall be news which I shall not be able to write unto you, but you shall hear of me from other hands."

Having thus taken his farewell of Mr. Bullinger, and his friends in Zurich, he repaired again into England, in the reign of Edward the Sixth; and coming to London, used continually to preach, most times twice, and at least once every day. In all his discourses, according to his accustomed manner, he corrected sin, and sharply inveighed against the iniquity of the world, and corrupt abuses of the church. Nor was his example less proper: his life was so pure and good, that no kind of slander could fasten any fault upon him. He was of strong body, his health whole and sound, his wit very poignant, his invincible patience able to sustain whatever adversity could inflict. He was constant of judgment, frugal of diet, spare of words, and still more so of time. In house-keeping very liberal, and sometimes more free than his living would extend unto.

After he had practised himself in this popular preaching, he was, at length, and that not without the great profit of many, called to preach before the king, and soon after made bishop of Gloucester by his majesty's commands. In that office he continued two years, and behaved himself so well, that his very enemies could find no fault in him, except in the way in which the foes of Daniel found fault with that holy prophet-"concerning the law of his God." After two years he received, in connection with Gloucester, the bishopric of the neighbouring city of Worcester.

But sinister and unlucky contention concerning the ordering and consecration of bishops, and of their apparel, with other such trifles, began to disturb the good beginning of this bishop. For notwithstanding that godly reformation of religion that arose in the church of England, besides other ceremonies more ambitious than profitable, or tending to edification, they used to wear such garments and apparel as the popish bishops were wont to do; first a chymere, and under that a white rochet; then a mathematical cap with four angles, indicative of dividing the world into four parts. These trifles tending more to superstition than otherwise, as he could never abide, so in no wise could he be persuaded to wear them. For this cause he made supplication to the king, most humbly desiring his highness, either to discharge him of the bishopric, or else to dispense with him for such ceremonial orders: which petition the king granted immediately, writing to the archbishop in his behalf. The king's letter was as follows--"Right reverend father, and right trusty and well beloved, we greet you will. Whereas we, by advice of our councils have called and chosen our right well beloved Mr. John Hooper, professor of divinity, to be our bishop of Gloucester, as well for his great knowledge, deep judgment, and long study in the scriptures; as also for his good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life; to the intent that all our loving subjects, which are in his said charge and elsewhere, might by his sound and true doctrine learn the better their duty towards God, their obedience towards us, and love towards their neighbour; from consecrating of whom we understand you to stay, because he would have you omit certain rites and ceremonies offensive to his conscience, whereby ye think ye should fall under the laws-we have thought good, by the advice aforesaid, to dispense and discharge you of all manner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures, you shall be liable to run into by omitting any of the same. And these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge."

The earl of Warwick seconded this request of his majesty by addressing another letter to the archbishop, begging that he would dispense with Mr. Hooper's being burthened by the oath commonly used in the consecration of bishops. But these letters availed not: the bishops still stood earnestly in defence of the ceremonies, saying, it was but a small matter, and that the fault was in the abuse of the things, and not in the things themselves: adding, moreover, that Mr. Hooper ought not to be so stubborn in so light a matter, and that his wilfulness therein was not to be suffered. This being the case, Mr. Hooper at length agreed, that sometimes he should in his sermons shew himself apparelled as the other bishops were. Accordingly being appointed to preach before the king, he appeared in the objectionable habiliments. His upper garment was a long scarlet gown down to the foot, and under that a white linen rochet, that covered all his shoulders. Upon his head he had a geometrical, that is, a four-squared cap. But this private contumely and reproach, in respect of the public profit of the church, he suffered patiently. Then also very soon these differences vanished amidst the rage of persecution; and the trifling shades of opinion were lost in their unanimity of essential truths; so that, while they were in prison, several affectionate letters passed between them.

After this discord, and not a little vexation, about vestures, at length Mr. Hooper entering into his diocese, there employed his time, under king Edward's reign, with such diligence as may be an example to all bishops. So careful was he in his cure, that he left neither pains untaken, nor ways unsought, how to train up the flock of Christ in the true word of salvation, continually labouring in the same. Other men are commonly wont, for lucre or promotion's sake, to aspire to bishoprics, some hunting for them, and some purchasing them, as men use to purchase lordships. To this class of worldly men bishop Hooper was quite contrary. He abhorred nothing more than covetousness, labouring always to save and preserve the souls of his flock. No father in his household, no gardener in his garden, nor husbandman in his vineyard, was more or better occupied, than he in his diocese amongst his flock, going about his towns and villages teaching and preaching to the people. The time that he had to spare from preaching, he bestowed either in hearing public causes, or else in private study, prayer, and in visiting schools: with his continual doctrine he adjoined due and discreet correction, not so severe to any as to those who, for abundance of riches and wealthy state, thought they might do what they pleased. And doubtless he spared no kind of people, but was indifferent to all, as well rich as poor, to the great shame of many men in these days; whereof we see so many addicted to the pleasing of the great and rich, that in the mean time they have no regard to the meaner sort whom Christ hath brought as dearly as the other.

In his personal and private character how virtuous and good he was, may be conceived and known evidently by this, that as he was hated by none but the evil, the worst of them could not reprove his life in any particular. At home, in his domestic concerns, he exhibited an example of a worthy prelate's life: bestowing the most part of his care upon the public flock and congregation of Christ, for which also he spent his blood; yet there was nothing wanting in him to bring up his own children in learning and good manners: insomcuh that it is difficult to say, whether he deserved more praise for his fatherly usage at home, or his public conduct abroad. Every where he kept religion in one uniform doctrine and integrity: so that if you entered into the bishop's palace, you would suppose yourselves to have entered into some church or temple. In every corner there was the beauty of virtue, good example, honest conversation, and reading of the holy scriptures. There was not to be seen in his house any courtly rioting or idleness; no pomp, no dishonest word, no swearing, could there be heard. As to the revenues of his bishoprics, if any thing surmounted thereof, he saved nothing, but bestowed it in hospitality. Twice I was, as I remember, in his house in Worcester, where, in his common hall, I saw a table spread with good store of meat, and beset full of beggars and poor folk; and I asking his servants what this meant, they told me that every day their lord and master's manner was, to have to dinner a certain number of poor folk of the said city by course, who were served by four at a mess, with hot and wholesome meats; and, when they were served, then he himself sat down to dinner, and not before. After this sort and manner master Hooper executed the office of most careful and vigilant pastor, by the space of two years and more, so long as the state of religion in king Edward's time safely flourished. And would God that all other bishops would use the like diligence and care in their function!

After this, in the reign of queen Mary, religion being subverted and changed, this good bishop was one of the first who was sent for by a pursuivant to London. Two reasons were assigned for this step. The first, that he might answer to Dr. Heath, then re-appointed bishop of that diocese, who was deprived thereof in kings Edward's days, why he continued in an office to which he had no right? And next to render an account to Bonner, bishop of London, because he had in king Edward's time been one of his accusers. Now although he was not ignorant of the evils that should happen towards him, being admonished by certain of his friends to get away, and shift for himself, yet he would not prevent them, but remained, saying, "Once did I flee, and take me to my feet; but now, because I am called to this place and vocation, I am thoroughly persuaded to remain, and to live and die with my sheep." On reaching London, before he could see Heath or Bonner, he was intercepted, and commanded to appear before the queen and her council, to answer certain bonds and obligations, wherein he was said to be bound unto her. When he met the council, Gardiner received him very opprobriously, railing at him, and accusing him of his religion. He freely and boldly answered, and cleared himself. But he was, notwithstanding, commanded to ward, and it was declared unto him at his departure, that the cause of his imprisonment was only for certain sums of money, for which he was indebted to the queen, and not for religion. This, how false and untrue it was, shall in its place more plainly appear. Here it is enough to remark that at a second summons, such was the noise, that he could not be permitted to plead his cause, but was deprived of his bishoprics.

Before we detail the examinations of Hooper, it will be proper to let him relate the cruel captivity he endured for eighteen months in the Fleet prison. "The first of September, 1553, I was committed unto the Fleet, from Richmond, to have the liberty of the prison; and within six days after I paid five pounds sterling to the warden for fees for my liberty; who immediately upon payment thereof, complained unto the bishop of Winchester, upon which I was committed to close prison a quarter of a year in the Tower-chamber of the Fleet, and used extremely ill. By the means of a good gentlewoman, I had liberty to come down to dinner and supper, but was not suffered to speak with any of my friends; but as soon as dinner and supper were done, to repair to my chamber again. Notwithstanding, whilst I came down thus to dinner and supper, the warden and his wife picked quarrels with me, and complained untruly of me to their great friend the bishop of Winchester.

"After a quarter of a year, Babington the warden, and his wife, fell out with me respecting the wicked mass: and thereupon the warden resorted to the bishop of Winchester, and obtained to put me into the wards, where I have continued a long time, having nothing appointed to me for my bed, but a little pad of straw and a rotten covering, with a tick and a few feathers therein, the chamber being vile and stinking, until by God's means good people sent me bedding to lie on. On one side of the prison is the sink and filth of the house, and on the other the town ditch, so that the stench of the house hath infected me with sundry diseases. During this time I have been sick, and the doors, bars, hasps, and chains being all closed upon me, I have mourned, called, and cried for help; but the warden when he hath known me many times ready to die, and when the poor men of the wards have called to help me, hath commanded the doors to be kept fast, and charged that none of his men should come at me, saying, 'Let him alone, it were a good riddance of him.' And he did this Oct. 18, 1553, as many can witness.

"I paid always like a baron to the said workers, as well in fees, as for my board, which was twenty shillings a week, besides my man's table, until I was wrongfully deprived of my bishoprics; and since that time, I have paid him as the best gentleman doth in his house; yet hath he used me worse, and more vilely, than the veriest slave that even came to the common side of the prison. He hath also imprisoned my man, William Downton, and stripped him of his clothes to search for letters, and could find none, but a little remembrance of good people's names who had given me their alms to relieve me in prison; and to undo them also, the warden delivered the same bill unto Gardiner, God's enemy and mine.

"I have suffered imprisonment almost eighteen months, my goods, livings, friends, and comfort taken from me; the queen owing me, by just account, fourscore pounds or more. She hath put me in prison, and giveth nothing to keep me, neither is there suffered any one to come at me, whereby I might have relief. I am by a wicked man and woman cruelly treated, so that I see no remedy, saving God's help, but I shall be cast away in prison before I come to judgment. But I commit my just cause to God, whose will be done, whether it be by life or death."

The first examination of bishop Hooper was before five bishops as commissioners-of London, Durham, Winchester, Chichester, and Landaff. On his entering their presence, Gardiner, bishop of Winchester and lord chancellor asked whether he was married. To this the good man smilingly answered, "Yes, my lord, and will not be unmarried till death unmarry me. And this is not enough to deprive me, except you do it against the law." The subject of marriage was no more talked of then for some time: but all began to make great outcries, and laughed, and used such gestures as were unseemly for the place, and for such a matter. Day, bishop of Chichester, called Hooper a hypocrite, with vehement voice, and scornful countenance. Tonstal, bishop of Durham, called him beast; so did Smith, one of the clerks of the council, and several others that stood by. At length the bishop of Winchester said, that all men might live chaste who would, and brought in this text.--"There are those that have become eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven."

To this Hooper said, the text proved not that all men could live chaste, but such to whom it was given; and read the verse before it. But again there was a clamour and cry, mocking and scorning, calling him beast, and exclaiming and the text could not be examined. Then Hooper said, that it appeared by the old canons, that marriage was not forbidden unto priests, and then named the decrees. But the bishop of Winchester sent for another part, namely, the Clementines, or the Extravagants, and perversely, against all reason determined that he should have no other, until he was judged by these. Then began such a noise, tumult, and speaking together of a great many who favoured not the cause, that nothing was done or spoken orderly or charitably. Afterwards, judge Morgan began to rail at Hooper a long time, with many opprobrious and foul words relative to his proceedings at Gloucester, in punishing of men, and said there was never such a tyrant as he was. After that the bishop of Chichester said, that the council of Ancyra, which was before the council of Nice, was against the marriage of priests.

To this Hooper said, my lord of Chichester knoweth, that the great council of Nice, by the means of one Paphnutius, decreed, That no minister should be separated from his wife. Again such clamours and cries were used, that the council of Nice was not attended to. After alternate clamour and silence, and much illiberal speech, Tonstal, bishop of Durham, asked him whether be believed the corporeal presence of the sacrament. He said plainly, that here was none such, neither did he believe any such thing. The offended bishop would then have read out of a book; but there was such a noise and confused talk on every side, that he did not proceed. Then the bishop of Winchester asked, What authority had moved him to deny the corporeal presence? He said, the authority of God's word, and alleged this text, "Whom heaven must hold until the latter day." But the bishop of Winchester would have made that text to serve nothing for his purpose, and said, he might be in heaven, and in the sacrament also. Then Hooper would have opened the text, but all who stood about the bishop prevented his speaking with clamours and cries, so that he was not permitted to say any more against Gardiner. Whereupon they bade the notaries write, that he was married, and said that he would not go from his wife; and that be believed not the corporeal presence in the sacrament, for which he was worthy to be deprived of his bishopric.

The next examination of Hooper took place at Winchester house, rather more privately than the former, no doubt to prevent such of the noise made on that occasion. On the 22nd of January, 1555, Babington, the warden of the Fleet, was commanded to bring him before Gardiner and some other bishops to Winchester house, in St. Mary Overy's: where the latter moved Hooper earnestly to forsake the evil and corrupt doctrine preached in the days of king Edward, to return to the unity of the catholic church, and to acknowledge the pope's holiness to be head of the same church, according to the determination of the whole parliament: promising, likewise, that as they with other their brethren, had received the pope's blessing, and the queen's mercy, even so mercy was ready to be shewed to him and others, if he would arise with them, and condescend to the pope's holiness.

Master Hooper answered, that forasmuch as the pope taught doctrine altogether contrary to the doctrine of Christ, he was not worthy to be accounted as a member of Christ's church, much less to be head thereof; wherefore he would in no wise condescend to any such usurped jurisdiction. Neither esteemed he the church, whereof they call him head, to be the catholic church of Christ; for the church only heareth the voice of her spouse Christ, and flieth the strangers. "Howbeit," saith he, "if in any point to me unknown I have offended the queen's majesty, I shall most humbly submit myself to her mercy, if mercy may be had with safety of conscience, and without the displeasure of God." Answer was made, that the queen would show no mercy to the pope's enemies. Whereupon Babington was commanded to carry him to the Fleet again. He did so, and shifted him from his former chamber into another, near unto the warden's own chamber, where he remained six days; and, in the mean time, his former chamber was searched by Dr. Martin and others, for writings and books which master Hooper was thought to have made, but none were found.

One more examination, or rather effort to make Hooper recant, occurred at the same place, and before the same crafty and cruel inquisitors. Jan. 28th, the bishop of Winchester, and other commissioners, again sat in judgment at St. Mary Overy's, where Hooper appeared before them in the afternoon, and after much reasoning and disputation, was commanded aside, till Mr. Rogers, who was then come, had been examined. Examinations ended, the sheriffs were commanded, about four o'clock, to carry them to the compter in Southwark, there to remain till the following day at nine o'clock, to see whether they would relent and come home again to the catholic church. Hooper went before with one of the sheriffs, and Mr. Rogers came after with the other; and being out of the church door, Hooper looked back and stayed a little till Mr. Rogers drew near, unto whom he said, "Come, brother Rogers, must we two take this matter first in hand, and begin to fry these fagots?" "Yes, sir," said Mr. Rogers, "by God's grace." "Doubt not," said Hooper, "but God will give strength." So going forwards, there was such a press of people in the streets, who rejoiced at their constancy, that they had much ado to pass.

By the way the sheriff said to master Hooper, "I would that ye were so hasty and quick with my lord chancellor, and did use more patience." He answered, "Master sheriff, I was nothing at all impatient, although I was earnest in my Master's cause, and it standeth me so in hand, for it goeth upon life and death; not the life and death of this world only, but also of the world to come." Then they were committed to the keeper of the compter, and appointed to different chambers, with command that they should not be suffered to speak one with another, neither was any other permitted to come to them that night.

Upon the day following, January 29th, at the hour appointed, they were brought up again by the sheriffs before Gardiner and the commissioners in the church, where they were the day before. And after long and earnest talk, when they perceived that Hooper would by no means condescend unto them, they condemned him to be degraded, and read unto him his condemnation. That done, Mr. Rogers was brought before them, and treated in like manner; and both were delivered to the secular power, two sheriffs of London, who were ordered to carry them to the Clink, a prison not far from the bishop of Winchester's house, and there to remain till night. When it became dark, Hooper was led by one of the sheriffs, with many bills and weapons, through the bishop of Winchester's house, and over London-bridge through the city to Newgate, and by the way some of the serjeants were sent before, to put out the coster-mongers' candles, who used to sit with lights in the streets; either fearing, that the people would have made some attempt to have taken him away from them by force, if they had seen him go to that prison; or else, being burdened with an evil conscience, they thought darkness to be a most fit season for such a business. But notwithstanding this device, the people having some fore-knowledge of his coming, many of them came forth to their doors with lights, and saluted him, praising God for his constancy in the true doctrine which he had taught them, and desiring God to strengthen him in the same to the end. The bishop required the people to make their earnest prayer to God for him; and so went through Cheapside to the place appointed, and was delivered as close prisoner to the keeper of Newgate, where he remained six days, nobody being permitted to come to him, saving his keepers, and such as should be appointed thereto.

During this time, Bonner, bishop of London, and others at his appointment, as Fecknam, Chedsey, and Harpsfield, resorted several times unto him, to try if by means they could persuade him to relent, and become a member of their church. All the ways they could devise, they attempted. For, besides the disputations and allegation of testimonies of the scriptures, and of ancient writers wrested to a wrong sense, according to their accustomed manner, they used also all outward gentleness and significations of friendship, with many great promises of worldly wealth; not omitting, at the same time, most grievous threatenings, if with gentleness they could not prevail; but they found him always the same man, steadfast and immovable. When they perceived that they could by no means reclaim him to their purpose, with such persuasions and offers as they used for his conversion, then went they by false rumours and reports of recantations to bring him, and the doctrine of Christ which he professed, in discredit with the people. This being spread abroad, and believed by some of the weaker sort, Hooper was greatly grieved thereat, that the people should give credit to such false rumours, having so simple a ground. Hence he was constrained to address the following letter to his fellow protestants.

"The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with all them who unfeignedly look for the coming of our Saviour Christ. Dear brethren and sisters in the Lord, and my fellow-prisoners for the cause of God's gospel, I do much rejoice and give thanks unto God for your constancy and perseverance in affliction, unto whom I wish continuance unto the end. And as I do rejoice in your faith and constancy in afflictions that be in prison; even so do I mourn and lament to hear of our dear brethren that yet have not felt such dangers for God's truth, as we have and do feel, and are daily like to suffer more, yea, they very extreme and vile death of the fire: yet such is the report abroad, as I am credibly informed, that I, John Hooper, a condemned man for the cause of Christ, should now after sentence of death, a prisoner in Newgate, and looking daily for execution, recant and abjure that which heretofore I have preached. And that talk ariseth from this, that the bishop of London, and his chaplains resort unto me. Doubtless, if our brethren were as godly as I could wish them, they would think, that in case I did refuse to talk with him, they might have just occasion to say, that I was unlearned, and durst not speak with learned men, or else proud, and disdained to speak with them. Therefore to avoid just suspicion of both, I have, and do daily speak with them when they come, not doubting but they report that I am neither proud nor unlearned. And I would wish all men to do as I do in this point. For I fear not their arguments, neither is death terrible unto me, praying you to make true report of the same, as occasion shall serve; and that I am more confirmed in the truth which I have heretofore preached, by their coming.

"Therefore, you that may send to the weak brethren, pray them that they trouble me not with such reports of recantations as they do. For I have hitherto left all things of the world, and suffered great pains and imprisonment, and I thank God I am as ready to suffer death as a mortal man can be. It were better for them to pray for us, than to credit or report such rumours that are untrue. We have enemies enough of such as know not God truly; but yet the false report of weak brethren is a double cross. I wish you eternal salvation in Jesus Christ, and also require your continual prayers, that he which hath begun in us may continue it to the end. I have taught the truth with my tongue, and with my pen heretofore; and hereafter shortly shall confirm the same, by God's grace, with my blood. Forth of Newgate, Feb. 2, 1555. your brother in Christ,

Upon Monday following, Bonner, bishop of London, came to Newgate, and there degraded bishop Hooper. The same Monday at night, his keeper gave Hopper a hint that he should be sent unto Gloucester to suffer death, whereat he rejoiced very much, lifting up his eyes and hands to heaven, and praising God that he saw it good to send him among the people over whom he was pastor, there to confirm with his death the truth which he had before taught them: not doubting but the Lord would give him strength to perform the same to his glory: and immediately he sent to his servant's house for his boots, spurs, and cloak, that he might be in readiness to ride when he should be called.

The day following, about four o'clock in the morning, the keeper with others came and searched him, and the bed whereon he lay, to see if he had written any thing; after which, he was led by the sheriffs of London, and their officers, from Newgate to a place appointed, not far from St. Dunstan's church in Fleet-street, where six of the queen's guard were appointed to receive him to conduct him to Gloucester, there to be delivered unto the sheriff, who with the lord Chandos, Mr. Wicks, and other commissioners, were appointed to see execution done; which guard brought him to the Angel, where he brake his fast with them, eating his meat at that time more liberally than he had a good while before. About break of day he leaped cheerfully on horseback, having a hood upon his head, under his hat, that he should not be known, and so took his journey joyfully towards Gloucester; and by the way the guard inquired of him, where he was accustomed to bait or lodge, but always carried him to another inn than the one he named.

On the Thursday following he came to Cirencester, fifteen miles from Gloucester, and there dined at a woman's house who had always hated the truth, and spoken all the evil she could of him. This woman, perceiving the cause of his coming, shewed him all the friendship she could, lamented his case with tears, confessing that she before had often reported, that if he were put to the trial, he would not stand to his doctrine. After dinner he resumed his journey, and came to Gloucester about five o'clock. At a mile without the town much people assembled, who cried and lamented his state; insomuch, that one of the guard rode post into the town, to require aid of the mayor and sheriffs, fearing lest he should have been taken from them. Accordingly, the officers and their retinue repaired to the gate with weapons, and commanded the people to keep their houses; but there was none that gave any signification of violence. He was lodged at one Ingram's house in Gloucester; and that night, as he had done all the way, he eat his meat quietly, and slept soundly, as it was reported by the guard and others. After his first sleep, he continued in prayer until morning, and all the day, except a little time at his meals, and when conversing with such as the guard permitted to speak to him, he spent in prayer.

Sir Anthony Kingston, formerly Hooper's good friend, was appointed by the queen's letters to attend at his execution. As soon as he saw the bishop he burst into tears. Hooper did not know him at first; the knight therefore addressing him, said, "Why, my lord, do not you know me--an old friend of yours, Anthony Kingston?" "Yes," answered Hooper, "Sir Anthony Kingston; I do know you well, and am glad to see you in health, and praise God for the same." "But I am sorry to see you, my lord, in this case," replied Kingston, "for as I understand you are come hither to die. But alas! consider that life is sweet, and death is bitter. Therefore seeing life may be had, desire to live; for life hereafter may do good." "Indeed, it is true, Sir Anthony, I am come hither to end this life, and to suffer death here, because I will not gainsay the truth that I have heretofore taught amongst you in this diocese, and elsewhere; and I thank you for your friendly counsel, although it be not as I could wish. True it is that death is bitter, and life is sweet; but the death to come is more bitter, and the life to come is more sweet."

After these, and many other words, they took leave of each other, Kingston with bitter tears, Hooper with tears also trickling down his cheeks. At his departure the bishop told him, that all the trouble he had sustained in prison, had not caused him to utter so much sorrow. Then the bishop was committed by the guard into the custody of the sheriffs of Gloucester. These men, named Jenkins and Bond, with the mayor and aldermen, repaired to his lodging, and at the first meeting saluted him, and took him by the hand. He was not insensible to their apparent kindness, nor unaware of their resolution, notwithstanding, to execute the law as it now stood. His remarkable and exemplary address to them merits particular attention.

"I give most hearty thanks to you, and to the rest of your brethren, that you have vouchsafed to take me a prisoner and a condemned man, by the hand; whereby, to my rejoicing, it is very apparent that your old love and friendship towards me is not altogether extinguished: and I trust also that all the things I have taught you in times past, are not utterly forgotten, when I was your bishop and pastor. For which most true and sincere doctrine, because I will not now account in falsehood and heresy, as many other men do, I am sent hither, you know, by the queen's commands, to die, and am come where I taught it, to confirm it with my blood. And now, master sheriffs, I understand by these good men, and my good friends, at whose hands I have found as much favour and gentleness on the road hither, as a prisoner could reasonably require, for which I most heartily thank them, that I am committed to your custody, as unto those that must see me brought to-morrow to the place of execution. My request to you shall be only, that there may be a quick fire, shortly to make an end; and in the mean time I will be as obedient to you as yourselves could wish. If you think I do amiss in any thing, hold up your finger and I have done. For I am not come hither as one forced or compelled to die; for it is well known, I might have had my life with worldly gain; but as one willing to offer and give my life for the truth, rather than consent to the wicked religion of the bishop of Rome, received and set forth by the magistrates in England to God's high displeasure and dishonour; and I trust, by God's grace, to-morrow to die a faithful subject to God, and a true obedient subject to the queen."

These words bishop Hooper used to the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen, whereat many mourned and lamented. Notwithstanding, the two sheriffs went aside to consult, and were determined to have lodged him in the common gaol of the town, called Northgate, if the guard had not made earnest intercession for him; who declared at large how quietly, mildly, and patiently, he had behaved on the way; adding thereto, that any child might keep him well enough, and that they themselves would rather take pains to watch with him, than that he should be sent to the common prison. It was therefore determined that he should still remain in Robert Ingram's house; and the sheriffs, the sergeants, and other officers agreed to watch with him that night themselves. His desire was, that he might go to bed betime, saying, that he had many things to remember: accordingly he went at five o'clock, and slept one sleep soundly, then spent the rest of the night in prayer. After he had got up in the morning, he desired that no man should be suffered to come into the chamber, that he might be solitary till the hour of execution.

About eight o'clock came Sir John Bridges, lord Chandos, with a great band of men, Sir Anthony Kingston, Sir Edmund Bridges, and other commissioners appointed to see the execution. At nine, Hooper prepared himself to be in readiness, the time being now at hand. Immediately he was brought down from his chamber, by the sheriffs, who were accompanied with bills and other weapons. When he saw the multitude of weapons, he said to the sheriffs, "I am no traitor, neither needed you to have made such a business to bring me to the place where I must suffer; for if you had suffered me, I would have gone alone to the stake, and troubled none of you." Afterwards looking upon the multitude of people who were assembled, being by estimation about 7000, he spake unto those who were about him, saying, "Alas! why are these people assembled and come together? Peradventure they think to hear something of me now, as they have in times past: but alas! speech is prohibited me. Notwithstanding the cause of my death is well known unto them. When I was appointed here to be their pastor, I preached unto them true and sincere doctrine, and that out of the word of God; and because I will not now account the same to be heresy and untruth, this kind of death is prepared for me." Having said this, he went forward, led between the two sheriffs, in a gown of his host's, his hat upon his head, and a staff in his hand to rest himself upon; for the pain of the sciatica, which he had taken in prison, caused him somewhat to halt. All the way, being strictly charged not to speak, he could not be perceived once to open his mouth; but beholding the people, who mourned bitterly for him, he would sometimes lift up his eyes towards heaven, and look very cheerfully upon such as he knew; and he was never known, during the time of his being amongst them, to look with so happy and ruddy a countenance as he did then.

When he came to the place where he should die, he smilingly beheld the stake, which was near to the great elm-tree over against the college of priests, where he had been wont to preach. The place round about the houses, and the boughs of the trees, were filled with spectators: and in the chamber over the gate stood the priests of the college. Then he kneeled down (forasmuch as he could not be suffered to speak unto the people) to prayer, and beckoned six or seven times unto one whom he well knew, that he might hear his prayer, and report faithfully the same. When this person came to the bishop he poured tears upon his shoulders and in his bosom, and continued his prayer for half an hour: which prayer was drawn from the whole creed. While at his prayer a box was brought and laid before him upon a stool, with his pardon from the queen if he would recant. At the sight of this he cried, "If you love my soul, away with it." The box being taken away, the lord Chandos said, "Seeing there is no remedy, dispatch him quickly." Hooper replied, "Good, my lord; I trust your lordship will give me leave to make an end of my prayers."

When he had risen from his last devotions in this world, he prepared himself for the stake, and put off his host's gown, and delivered it to the sheriffs, requiring them to see it restored unto the owner, and put off the rest of his apparel, unto his doublet and hose, wherein he would have burned. But the sheriffs would not permit that, unto whose pleasure he very obediently submitted himself; and his doublet, hose, and waistcoat were taken off. Thus being in his shirt, he took a point from his hose himself, and trussed his shirt between his legs, where he had a pound of gunpowder in a bladder, and under each arm the like quantity delivered him by the guard. So desiring the people to say the Lord's Prayer with him, and to pray for him, he went up to the stake; when he was at it, three irons made to bind him thereto were brought: one for his neck, another for his middle, and the third for his legs. But he refusing them, said, "You have no need thus to trouble yourselves. I doubt not God will give me strength sufficient to abide the extremity of the fire without bands: notwithstanding, suspecting the frailty and weakness of the flesh, but having assured confidence in God's strength, I am content you do as you shall think good."

Then the hoop of iron prepared for his middle was brought, which being somewhat too short, he shrank and pressed in his body with his hand, until it fastened: but when they offered to have bound his neck and legs with the other hoops, he refused them, saying, "I am well assured I shall not trouble you." Being now ready he looked around on all the people, of whom he might be well seen, for he was both tall, and stood also upon a high stool, and beheld that in every corner there was nothing to be seen but weeping and sorrowful people. Then lifting up his eyes and hands to heaven he prayed in silence. By and by, he that was appointed to make the fire came to him and asked him forgiveness.

He asked why he should forgive him, saying that he never knew any offence he had committed against him. "O, sir," said the man, "I am appointed to make the fire." "Therein," said Mr. Hooper, "thou dost nothing to offend me: God forgive thee thy sins, and do thine office, I pray thee." Then the reeds were cast up, and he receiving two bundles of them in his own hands embraced them, and putting one of them under each arm, showed with his hand how the rest should be bestowed, and pointed to the place where any were wanting.

Command was now given that the fire should be kindled. But because there were not fewer green fagots than two horses could carry, it did not kindle speedily, but was some time before it took the reeds upon the fagots. At length it burned about him; but the wind having full strength in that place, and it being a lowering cold morning, it blew the flame from him, so that he was in a manner little more than touched by the fire. Endeavours were then made to increase the flame, and then the bladders of gunpowder exploded; but did him little good, being so placed, and the wind having such power. In this fire he prayed with a loud voice, "Lord Jesus, have mercy upon me! Lord Jesus, have mercy upon me! Lord Jesus, receive my spirit!" And these were the last words he was heard to utter. Yet he struck his breast with his hands, until by the renewing of the fire his strength was gone and his hand stuck fast in striking the iron upon his breast. So immediately, bowing forwards, he yielded up his spirit. Thus lingering were his last sufferings. He was nearly three quarters of an hour or more in the fire, as a lamb, patiently bearing the extremity thereof, neither moving forwards, backwards, nor to any side; but he died as quietly as a child in his bed; and he now reigneth as a blessed martyr in the joys of heaven, prepared for the faithful in Christ before the foundation of the world; for whose constancy all christians are bound to praise God.

A Poem, By Conrade Gesner, On The Martyrdom Of Dr. John Hooper, Bishop Of Gloucester And Worcester.

Hooper, unvanquish'd by Rome's cruelties,
Confessing Christ in his last moments, dies:
Whilst flames his body rack, his soul doth fly,
Inflam'd with faith, to immortality!
His Constancy on earth has rais'd his name, And gave him entrance at the gates of fame,
Which neither storms, nor the cold north-wind's blast,
Nor all-devouring time shall ever waste:
For he whom God protects shall sure attain
That happiness, which worldlings seek in vain.

Example take by him, you who profess
Christ's holy doctrines; ne'er the world caress
In hopes of riches; or if fortune frown
With inauspicious looks, be not cast down;
For man ne'er saw, nor can his hear conceive,
What God bestows on them that righteous live.

This good bishop and servant of God whose life and martyrdom is now declared, being in prison, wrote divers books and treatises, to the number of twenty-four. Also divers letters most fruitful and worthy to be read, especially in these dangerous times, of those who seek to serve and follow the Lord through all the storms of the evil world, as by the perusal of the following to his godly wife Anne Hooper, you shall better understand.

"Dearly beloved and godly wife,

"Our Saviour Jesus Christ in St. Matthew's gospel said to his disciples, that it was necessary scandals should come; and that they could not be avoided, he perceived as well by the condition of those that should perish and be lost for ever, as also by their affliction they should be saved. For he saw the greatest part of the people would contemn and neglect whatsoever true doctrine should be shewn unto them, or else receive and use it as they thought good to serve their pleasures, without any profit to their souls, not caring whether they lived as they were commanded by God's word or not; but would think it sufficient to be counted to have the name of a christian, with such words and fruits of its profession as their fathers and elders, after their custom and manner, esteem and take to be good fruits and faithful works, without trying them by the word of God. These men by the just judgment of God, be delivered unto the craft and subtlety of the devil, that they may be kept by one scandalous stumbling-block or other never to come unto Christ, who came to save those that were lost; as you may see how God delivereth wicked men up unto their own lusts, to do one mischief after another, careless of coming into a reprobate mind, that forgetteth itself, and cannot know what is expedient to be done,or to be left undone, because they close their eyes, and will not see the light of God's word offered unto them: and being thus blinded, they prefer their own vanities before the truth of God's word. Where such corrupt minds, be, there are also corrupt notions of God's honour; so that the mind taketh falsehood for truth, superstitions for true religion, death for life, damnation for salvation, hell for heaven, and persecution of Christ's members for God's service and honour. And as such persons voluntarily reject the word of God; so God most justly delivereth them up to blindness of mind and hardness of heart, that they cannot understand, nor yet consent to anything that God would have preached, and set forth to his glory, after his own will and word; but they hate it mortally, and of all things most detest God's holy word. As the devil hath entered into their hears, that they cannot or will not come to Christ, to be instructed by his holy word: even so can they not abide any other person to be a christian, and to lead his life after the word of God; but hate him, persecute him, rob him, imprison him, yea and kill him, if God suffer it. And so much are these wicked men blinded, that they regard no law, whether it be the law of God or man, but persecute such as never offended, yea, do evil to those that have prayed daily for them, and wish them God's grace.

"In their blind fury they have no respect to nature. For brother persecuteth brother, and father the son: most dear friends in devilish slander and offence become most mortal enemies. And no marvel; for when they have chosen sundry masters, the one the devil, the other God, the one shall agree with the former and the other with the latter. For this cause Christ said, it is expedient and necessary that scandals should come, and many may be advised to keep the babes of Christ from the heavenly Father. But Christ saith, Woe be unto him by whom the offence cometh. Yet is there no remedy, man being of such corruption and hatred towards God, but that the evil shall be deceived, and persecute the good; and the good shall understand the truth, and suffer persecution for it unto the world's end. For 'as he that was born after the flesh, persecuted in times past him that was born after the spirit, even so it is now.' Therefore as we live in this life amongst so many perils and dangers, we must be well assured by God's word how to bear them, and how patiently to take them as they be sent to us from God. We must also assure ourselves, that there is no other remedy for christians in the time of trouble, than Christ himself hath appointed us. In St. Luke he giveth us this commandment, 'Ye shall possess your lives in peace.' In which words he giveth us both commandment what to do, and also great comfort and consolation in all troubles. "That the spirit of man may feel these consolations, the Giver of them, the heavenly Father, must be prayed unto for the merits of Christ's passion: for it is not the nature of man that can be contented, until it be regenerated and possessed with God's Spirit, to bear patiently the troubles of the mind or of the body. When the mind and heart of a man seeth on every side sorrow and heaviness, and the worldly eye beholdeth nothing but such things as be troubles and wholly bent to rob the poor of what he hath, and also to take from him his life; except we weigh these brittle and uncertain treasures with the riches of the life to come; and this life of the body, with the life in Christ's blood; and so for the love and certainty of the heavenly joys contemn all things present, doubtless we shall never be able to bear the loss of goods, life, or any other thing of this world.

"Therefore St. Paul giveth a godly and necessary lesson to all in this short and transitory life, and therein sheweth how a man may best bear the iniquities and troubles of this world. 'If ye be risen again with Christ, seek the things which are above, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God the Father.' Wherefore, the christian's faith must be always upon the resurrection of Christ when he is in trouble; and in that glorious resurrection he shall not only see continual and perpetual joy and consolation; but also victory and triumph over all persecution, trouble, sin, death, hell, the devil, and other tyrants and persecutors of Christ, and of Christ's people, the tears and weeping of the faithful dried up, their wounds healed, their bodies made immortal in joy, their souls for ever praising the Lord, in conjunction and society everlasting with the blessed company of God's elect in perpetual felicity. But the words of St. Paul in that place, if they be not marked, shall do little profit to the reader or hearer, and give him no peace at all in this impatient and cruel world.

"When a man hath, by seeking the word of God, found out what the things above be, then must he, saith Paul, 'set his affections' on them. And this commandment is more hard than the other. For men's knowledge many time seeth the best, and knoweth that here is a life to come, better than this life present, yet they set not their affections upon it: they more affect and love indeed a trifle of nothing in this that pleaseth their hearts, than the treasure of treasures in heaven, which their own judgment saith is better than all worldly things. Wherefore we must "set our affections on the things that be above;" that is to say, when any thing worse than heaven upon the earth offereth itself to be ours, if we will give our good wills to it, and love it in our hearts, then ought we to see by the judgment of God's word, whether we may have the world without offence of God, and such things as be for this worldly life without his displeasure. If we cannot, St. Paul's commandment must take place--'Set your affections on things that are above.' If the riches of this world may not be gotten nor kept by God's law, neither our lives be continued without the denial of his honour, we must set our affections upon the riches and life that are above, and not upon things that are on earth. Therefore this second commandment of St. Paul requireth, that our minds judge heavenly things to be better than things upon the earth, and the life to come better than the life present; so we should choose them before the other and prefer then, and have such affection to the best, that in no case we set the worst before it, as the most part of the world doth and hath done, for they acknowledge the best and prove it, and yet follow the worst.

"But these things, my godly wife, require rather thought, meditation, and prayer, than words or talk. They are easy to be spoken of, but not so easy to be use and practised. Wherefore seeing they be God's gifts, and yet they may become our privileges, we must seek them at our heavenly Father's hand, who seeth, and is privy how poor and wretched we be, and how naked, how spoiled, and destitute of all his blessed gifts we by reason of sin. He did command, therefore, his disciples, when he shewed them that they should take patiently the state of this present life full of troubles and persecution, to pray that they might well escape those troubles that were to come, and be able to stand before the Son of man. When you find yourself too much oppressed-as every one shall be sometimes with the fear of God's judgement-use the 77th psalm that beginneth, "I will cry unto God with my voice, and he shall hearken unto me." In which psalm is both godly doctrine and great consolation unto the man or woman that is in anguish of mind.

"Use also in such trouble the 88th psalm, wherein is contained the prayer of one that was brought to extreme anguish and misery, and being vexed with adversaries and persecutions, saw nothing but death and hell. Yet although he felt in himself, that he had not only man, but also God angry towards him; yet he by prayer humbly resorted unto God. Remember also none of us must murmur against God, but always say his judgements are right and just, and rejoice that it pleaseth him by troubles to use us as he used heretofore such as he most loved in this world. "Be glad and rejoice, for your reward is great in heaven." His promises shall by his grace, work both consolation and patience in afflicted christians. And when our Saviour Christ hath willed men in trouble to be content and patient, because God in the end of trouble, in Christ hath ordained eternal consolation; he useth also to take from us all shame and rebuke, and make it an honour to suffer for Christ, because the wicked world doth curse and abhor such poor troubled christians. Wherefore Christ placeth all his honourably, and saith, 'Even so persecuted they the prophets that were before you.' We must therefore patiently suffer, and willingly attend upon God's doings, although they seem clean contrary, after our judgement, to our wealth and salvation: as Abraham did, when bid to offer his son Isaac, in whom God promised the blessing and multiplying of his seed.

"And judge things indifferently, my good wife, the troubles be not yet generally, as they were in our good fathers' times, soon after the death and resurrection of our Saviour Jesus Christ, whereof he spake in St. Matthew. From which place you and I have taken many times great consolation, and especially of the latter part of the chapter, wherein is contained the last day and end of all troubles both for you and me, and for all such as love the coming of our Saviour Christ to judgement. Remember, therefore, that place, and mark it again, and you shall in this time see this consolation, and also learn much patience. Was there ever such troubles as Christ threatened upon Jerusalem? Was there since the beginning of the world such affliction? Who were then best at ease? The apostles that suffered in body persecution, and gathered of it ease and quietness in the promises of God. And no marvel, for Christ saith, "Lift up your heads, for your redemption is at hand;" that is, your eternal rest approacheth and drawth near. The world is stark blind, and more foolish than foolishness itself, and so are the people of this world: for when God saith, trouble shall come, they will have ease. And when God saith, be merry and rejoice in trouble, we lament and mourn, as though we were to be cast-away. But this our flesh (which is never merry with virtue, nor sorry with vice: never laugheth with grace, nor ever weepeth with sin) holdeth fast with the world, and letteth God slip. But, my dearly beloved wife, you know how to perceive and to beware of the vanity, and crafts of the devil well enough in Christ. And that you may the better have patience in the Spirit of God, read again the 24th of St. Matthew, and mark what difference is between the destruction of Jerusalem, and the destruction of the whole world, and you shall see, that then there were alive many offenders to repent: but at the latter day there shall be absolute judgment and sentence, never to be revoked, of eternal life and eternal death upon all men: and yet towards the end of the world we have not so much extremity as they had then, but even as we are able to bear. So doth the merciful Father lay upon us now imprisonment, and I suppose for my part shortly death; now spoil of goods, loss of friends, and the greatest loss of all, the knowledge of God's word. His holy will be done. I wish in Christ Jesus our only Mediator and Saviour, your constancy and consolation, that you may live for ever and ever, whereof in Christ I doubt not; to whom, for his most blessed and painful passion, I commit you, Amen.

While in prison, Hooper received a letter from his learned and pious friend Henry Bullinger, of Zurich. It was well worthy of its author and of the spirit of a saint. He exhorted him to bear with firmness that awful task to which the Lord had appointed to him, and to look beyond his troubles to the crown that awaited him. One more incident amongst other memorable things worthy to be remembered in the history of Hooper, is not to be forgotten: it happened a little after the beginning of his imprisonment.

A friar came from France to England with great vaunt, asking who was the greatest heretic in England, thinking no doubt to do some great act upon him. To whom answer was made, that Dr. Hooper had then the greatest name to be the chiefest ringleader, who was then in the Fleet. The friar coming to him, asked why he was committed to prison? He said for debt. "Nay," said he, "it was for heresy;" which when Hooper had denied, "What sayest thou," quoth he, "to hoc est corpus meum?" Hooper, being partly moved at the sudden question, desired that he might ask of him another, which was this, "what remains after the consecration in the sacrament, any bread or no?" "No bread at all," said the friar. "And when you break it, what you break--whether bread or the body?" said Hooper. "No bread," said the friar; "but the body only." "If ye do so," said Hooper, "you do great injury, not only to the body of Christ, but also to the scriptures, which say, Ye shall not break of him one bone." With that the friar having nothing to answer, recoiled back, and with circles and crosses began to use exorcism as though Hooper had bewitched him!


--Footnote marker a--BT 4 words "letters passed between them"

The godly reconciliation of these good men appears by the following extract from bishop Ridley's letter to Mr. Hooper: "My dear brother--Forasmuch as I understand by your works, which I have yet but superficially seen, that we thoroughly agree and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our religion, against the which the world so furiously rageth in these our days, howsoever in time past, in certain bye-matters and circumstances of religion, your wisdom and my simplicity (I grant) have a little jarred, each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgment; now, I say, be you assured that even with my whole heart, God is my witness, in the bowels of Christ I love you in the truth, and for the truth's sake which abideth in us, and as I am persuaded shall by the grace of God abide in us for evermore. And because the world, as I perceive, brother, ceaseth not to play a pageant, and busily conspireth against Christ our Saviour, with all possible force and power 'exalting high things against the knowledge of God,' let us join hands together in Christ; and if we cannot overthrow, yet to our power, and as much as in us lieth, let us shake those high altitudes, not with carnal but with spiritual weapons; and withal, brother, let us prepare for the day of dissolution, by the which, after the short time of this bodily affliction, by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, we shall triumph together with him in eternal glory."
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--Footnote marker a--BT 4 words "crown that awaited him"

"Go forwards," he wrote, "constantly to confess Christ, and to defy Antichrist, being mindful of this most holy and most true saying of our Lord Jesus christ: 'He that overcometh shall possess all things; and I will be his God, and he shall be my son.' The first death is soon overcome, although a man must burn for the Lord's sake: for they say well that do affirm this our fire to be scarcely a shadow of that which is prepared for unbelievers, and then that fall from the truth. Moreover, the Lord granteth unto us, that we may easily overcome by his power the first death, the which he himself did taste and overcome; promising withal such joys as never shall have end, unspeakable, and passing all understanding, the which we shall possess so soon as ever we do depart hence.--Therefore, seeing you have such a large promise, be strong in the Lord, fight a good fight, be faithful to the Lord unto the end. I and all my household, with my sons-in-law and kinsmen, are in good health in the Lord. They do all salute you, and pray for your constancy; being sorrowful for you and the rest of the prisoners. If there be any thing wherin I may do any pleasure to your wife and children, they shall have me wholly at commandment. The Lord Jesus preserve and deliver you from all evil, with all them that call upon his name. Farewell, and farewell eternally. You know the hand, H.B."

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The Life and Martyrdom of Dr. Rowland Taylord, Who Suffered For The Truth of God's Word, Under the Tyranny of the Roman Bishops, the 9th Day of February, 1555.

The town of Hadley was one of the first that received the word of God in all England, at the preaching of Thomas Bilney; by whose industry the gospel of Christ had such gracious success, and took such root there, that a great number became exceedingly learned in the holy Scriptures, as well women as men. Of this parish Dr. Rowland Taylor was vicar, being doctor both in the civil and canon laws, and a right perfect divine. In addition to eminent learning, his known attachment to the pure principles of christianity recommended him to the favour and friendship of Cranmer, with whom he lived, till through his interest he obtained the vicarage of Hadley. This charge he attended with the utmost diligence, recommending and enforcing the doctrines of the gospel, not only by his judicious discourses from the pulpit, but also by the whole tenor of his life and conversation.

Dr. Taylor continued promoting the interest of the great Redeemer, and the souls of mankind, both by his preaching and example during the reign of king Edward; but on his demise, and on the succession of Mary to the throne, he could not escape the cloud that burst on the protestant community. Two of his parishioners, Foster an attorney, and Clark a tradesman, out of blind zeal, resolved that mass should be celebrated in all its superstitious forms, in the parish church at Hadley, on the Monday before Easter. They had even caused an altar to be built in the chancel for that purpose, which being pulled down by the protestant inhabitants, they erected another, and prevailed with the minister of an adjacent parish to celebrate mass in the passion-week. Taylor being employed in his study, was alarmed by the ringing of bells at an unusual time, and went to the church to inquire the cause. He found the great doors fast, but lifting up the latch of the chancel door, he entered, and was surprised to see a priest in his habit prepared to celebrate mass, and guarded by a party of men under arms, to prevent interruption.

Being vicar of the parish, he demanded of the priest the cause of such proceeding without his knowledge or consent; and how he dared profane the temple of God with abominable idolatries. Foster, the lawyer, insolently replied--"Thou traitor, how darest thou to intercept the execution of the queen's orders?" but the doctor undauntedly denied the charge of traitor, and asserted his mission as a minister of Christ, and delegation to that part of his flock, commanding the priest as a wolf in sheep's clothing to depart, nor infect the pure church of God with popish idolatry. A violent altercation then ensued, between Foster and Dr. Taylor, the former asserting the queen's prerogative, and the other the authority of the canon-law, which commanded that no mass be said but at a consecrated altar. Meanwhile the priest, intimidated by the intrepid behaviour of the protestant minister, would have departed without saying mass but Clark said to him, "Fear not, you have a super altare," which is a consecrated stone, commonly about a foot square, which the popish priests carry instead of an altar, when they say mass in gentlemen's houses. Clark then ordered him to proceed in his present duty. They then forced the doctor out of the church, celebrated mass, and immediately informed the bishop of Winchester of his behaviour, who summoned him to appear and answer the complaints alleged against him.

Dr. Taylor upon receipt of the summons cheerfully prepared to obey the same: and on some of his friends advising him to fly beyond sea, in order to avoid the cruelty of his inveterate enemies, he told them that he was determined to go to the bishop, and he accordingly repaired to London and waited on him. As soon as Gardiner saw him, according to his common custom he reviled him calling him knave, traitor heretic, with many other villanous reproaches, which Taylor, having patiently heard for some time, at last answered thus without fear or impropriety--"My lord, I am neither traitor nor heretic, but a true subject, and a faithful christian, and am according to your commandment, to know the cause of your lordship's sending for me."

"Art thou come, thou villain?" said the violent Gardiner; "how darest thou look me in the face for shame? Knowest thou not who I am?" "Yes," said Dr. Taylor, "I know who you are, Dr. Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and lord chancellor, and yet but a mortal man. But if I should be afraid of your lordly looks, why fear you not God, the Lord of us all? How dare you for shame look any christian in the face, seeing you have forsaken the truth, denied our Saviour Christ and his word, and done contrary to your own oath and writing? With what countenance will you appear before the judgement seat of Christ, and answer to your oath made first unto king Henry, and afterwards unto Edward, his son?"

The bishop answered, "That was Herod's oath, unlawful; and therefore worthy to be broken, I have done well in breaking it; and I thank God I am come home again to our mother, the catholic church of Rome and so I would thou shouldest do. Our holy father the pope hath discharged me of it." Then said Dr. Taylor, "But you shall not be so discharged before Christ, who doubtless will require it at your hands, as a lawful oath made to our liege and sovereign lord the king, from whose obedience no man can quit you, neither the pope nor any of his." "I see," quoth the bishop, "thou art an arrogant knave and a very fool." "My lord," saith Dr. Taylor, "I am a Christian man; and you know that 'he that saith to this brother, Raca, is in danger of a council: and he that saith, Thou fool, is in danger of hell fire.'" The bishop answered, "Ye are false and lairs, all the sort of you." "Nay," quoth Dr. Taylor, "we are true men, and know that it is written, 'The mouth that lieth, slayeth the soul.' And therefore we abide by God's word, which ye deny and forsake."

"Thou has resisted the queen's proceedings," Said Gardiner, "and would not suffer the parson of Aldham, (a very virtuous and devout priest,) to say mass in Hadley." Dr. Taylor answered, "My lord, I am parson of Hadley; and it is against all right, conscience, and laws, that any man should come into my charge, and presume to infect the flock committed unto me with the venom of the popish idolatrous mass." With that the bishop waxed very angry, and said, "Thou art a blasphemous heretic indeed, that blasphemest the blessed sacrament, (And put off his cap,) and speakest against the holy mass, which is made a sacrifice for the quick and the dead." Dr. Taylor answered, "Nay, I blaspheme not the blessed sacrament which Christ instituted, but I reverence it as a Christian man ought to do; and confess that Christ ordained the holy communion in the remembrance of his death and passion.--Christ gave himself to die for our redemption upon the cross, whose body there offered was the propitiatory sacrifice, full, perfect, and sufficient unto salvation for all them that believe in him. And this sacrifice did our Saviour Christ offer in his own person himself once for all, neither can any priest any more offer him, nor we need any more sacrifice."

Then the bishop called his men, and said, "Have this fellow to the King's Bench, and charge that he be straitly kept." Then Taylor knelt, and held up both his hands and said, "Good Lord, I thank thee! and from the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, and all his detestable errors, idolatries, and abominations, good Lord deliver us! and God be praised for good king Edward." They carried him to prison to the King's Bench, where he was confined almost two years. Of course Gardiner's command for strict confinement was obeyed. These several particulars are mentioned in a letter that Dr. Taylor wrote to a friend of his, thanking God for his grace, at the same time that he had confessed his truth, and was found worthy for truth to suffer prison and bonds, beseeching his friends to pray for him, that he might persevere constant unto the end.

In January, 1555, Dr. Taylor, Mr. Bradford, and Mr. Saunders, were again called to appear before the bishops of Winchester, Norwich, London, Salisbury, and Durham, and being again charged with heresy and schism, a determinate answer was required, whether they would submit themselves to the Roman bishop, and abjure their errors, or hear their condemnation. Dr. Taylor and his fellows answered stoutly and boldly, that they would not depart from the truth which they had preached in king Edward's days, neither would they submit to the Romish Antichrist; but they thanked God for so great mercy, that he would call them to be worthy to suffer for his word. When the bishops saw them so boldly, constantly, and unmovably fixed in the truth, they read the sentence of death upon them, which when they heard they most joyfully gave God thanks, and stoutly said unto the bishops, "We doubt not, but God the righteous judge will require our blood at your hands; and the proudest of you all shall repent this receiving again of Antichrist, and your tyranny that ye now show against the flock of Christ."

When Dr. Taylor had lain in the Compter in the Poultry about a week, on Feb. 4, 1555, bishop Bonner, with others, came to degrade him, bringing with them such ornaments as do appertain to their massing-mummery. He called for Taylor to be brought unto him; the bishop being then in the chamber where the keeper of the Compter and his wife lay. Dr. Taylor was accordingly brought down from the chamber to Bonner. "I wish you would remember yourself, and turn to your holy mother church, so may you do well enough, and I will sue for your pardon," said Bonner. Dr. Taylor answered--"I wish that you and your fellows would turn to Christ. As for me, I will not turn to antichrist." Said the bishop, "I am come to degrade you: wherefore put on these vestures." Dr. Taylor said resolutely, "I will not." "Wilt thou not? I shall make thee, ere I go," replied Bonner. "You shall not, by the grace of God," said Taylor. Again Bonner charged him upon his obedience to do it, but he would not. Upon this he ordered another to put them upon his back; and being thoroughly furnished therewith, he set his hands to his side, walking up and down, and said--"How say you, my lord, am not I a goodly fool? How say you, my masters, if I were in Cheapside, should I not have boys to laugh at these apish toys and trumpery?" At this Bonner was so enraged, that he would have given Dr. Taylor a stroke on the breast with his crosier-staff, when his chaplain said--"My lord, strike him not, for he will certainly strike again." The bishop then laid his curse upon him, but struck him not. Dr. Taylor said, "Though you curse me, yet God doth bless me."

The night after his degradation, his wife, his son, and his servant, came to him, and were, by the keepers, permitted to sup with him: at their coming, they kneeled down and prayed. After supper, walking up and down, he gave God thanks for his grace that had so called him, and given him strength to abide by his holy word; and turning to his son he said--"My dear son, Almighty God bless thee, and give thee his Holy Spirit, to be a true servant of Christ, to learn his word, and constantly to stand by his truth all thy life long: and see that thou fear God always. Flee from all sin and wicked living: be virtuous, serve God with daily prayer, and apply to the holy book. In any wise see that thou be obedient to thy mother, love her and serve her; be ruled by her now in thy youth, and follow her good counsel in all things. Beware of the lewd company of young men that fear not God, but who follow their lusts and vain appetites. Fly from whoredom, and hate all filthy living, remembering that I, thy father, die in the defence of holy marriage. Another day, when God shall bless thee, love and cherish the poor people, and count that thy chief riches is to be rich in alms; and when thy mother is waxed old, forsake her not; but provide for her to thy power, and see that she lack nothing: for so will God bless thee, and give thee long life upon earth and prosperity, which I pray God to grant thee." And then turning to his wife, he said--"My dear wife, continue stedfast in the fear and love of god: keep yourself undefiled from popish idolatires and superstition. I have been unto you a faithful yoke-fellow, and so have you to me, for which I pray God to reward you, and doubt not but he will reward it. Now the time is come that I shall be taken from you, and you discharged of the wedlock bond towards me; therefore I will give you the counsel which I think most expedient for you. You are yet a child-bearing woman, and therefore it will be most convenient for you to marry."

On the following morning the sheriff of London with his officers, came by two o'clock, and brought him forth, and without any light led him to the Woolpack, an inn without Aldgate. Mrs. Taylor, suspecting that her husband would that night be carried away, watched all night in St. Botholph's church porch, without Aldgate, having with her two children, the one named Elizabeth, an orphan, whom the doctor had adopted at three years old; the other named Mary, his own daughter. When the sheriff and his company came against St. Botolph's church, the grateful little Elizabeth cried--"O my dear father! mother, mother, here is my father led away!" "Rowland," said his wife, "where art thou?" for it was so dark a morning, that the one could not see the other. "Dear wife, I am here," said the doctor, and stopped. The sheriff's men would have forced him on; but the sheriff said--"Stay a little, I pray you, and let him speak to his wife."

She then came to him, when he took his daughter Mary in his arms, while he, his wife, and Elizabeth, kneeled down and said the Lord's prayer. At which sight the sheriff wept much, as did several others of the company. The prayer finished, Taylor rose up and kissed his wife, and pressing her hand, he said--"Farewell, my dear wife, be of good comfort, for I am quiet in my conscience. God shall stir up a father for my children." And then he kissed his daughter Mary, and said, "God bless thee, and make thee his servant:" and kissing Elizabeth, he said, "God bless thee. I pray you all, stand strong and stedfast unto Christ and his word, and beware of idolatry." Then said his wife unto him, "God be with thee, my dear Rowland: I will, with God's grace, meet thee at Hadley."

He was then led on, while his wife followed him. As soon as he came to the Woolpack, he was put into a chamber, wherein he was kept with four yeoman of the guard, and the sheriff's men. As soon he entered the chamber, he fell on his knees, and gave himself wholly to prayer. The sheriff then seeing Mrs. Taylor there, would in no case grant her to speak any more with her husband, but gently desired her to go to his house, and use it as her own, promising her, that she should lack for nothing, and sending two officers to conduct her thither. Notwithstanding this, she desired to go to her mother's, whither the officers led her, and charged her mother to keep her there till they came again. Meanwhile the journey to Hadley was delayed. Dr. Taylor was confined at the Woolpack by the sheriff and his company, till eleven o'clock, by which time the sheriff of Essex was ready to receive him; when they sat him on horseback within the inn, the gates being shut.

On coming out of the gates his servant John Hull stood at the rails with young Taylor. When the doctor saw them,. he called them saying--"Come hither, my son Thomas." John Hull lifted the child up, and set him on the horse before his father; who then put off his hat, and said to the people--"Good people, this is mine own son, begotten in lawful matrimony: and God be blessed for lawful matrimony." Then he lifted up his eyes towards heaven and prayed for his child, placing his hat upon his head. After blessing him, he delivered him to his faithful servant, whom he took by the hand and said--"Farewell, John Hull, the most faithful servant ever man had." After this they rode forth, the sheriff of Essex, and four yeomen of the guard, and the sheriff's men leading them.

When they were come almost to Brentwood, one Arthur Faysie, a man of Hadley, who formerly had been Dr. Taylord's servant, met with them, and he, supposing him to have been at liberty, said--"Master, I am glad to see you again at liberty," and took him by the hand. "Sir," returned the sheriff, "he is a prisoner; what hast thou to do with him?" "I cry your mercy," said Arthur, "I knew not so much, and I thought it no offence to talk to a true man." The sheriff was very angry with this, and threatened to carry Arthur with him to prison; notwithstanding he bid him get quickly away. And so they rode forth to Brentwood, where they caused to be made for Dr. Taylor a close hood. This they did, that no man should know him, nor he to speak to any man; which practice they used also with others.

All the way, Dr. Taylor was joyful and merry, as one that accounted himself going to a most pleasant banquet or bridal. He spake many notable things to the sheriff and yeomen of the guard that conducted him, and often moved them to weep through his much earnest calling upon them to repent, and turn to the true religion. Of these yeomen of the guard three used him very tenderly, but the fourth, named Holmes, treated him most unkindly. The party supped and slept at Chelmsford. At supper the sheriff earnestly besought him to return to the popish religion, thinking with fair words to persuade him, and said--"Good Doctor, we are sorry for you, considering the loss of such a man as you. You would do much better to revoke your opinions, and return to the catholic church of Rome, acknowledge the pope's holiness to be the supreme head of the church, and reconcile yourselves to him. You may do well yet if you will: doubt not but you shall find favour at the queen's hands. I and all these your friends will be suitors for your pardon; this council I give you, Doctor, of a good heart and will towards you: and therefore I drink to you." In this joined all the rest.

When the cup was handed to him, he staid a little, as one studying what answer he might give. At last he said--"Mr. Sheriff, and my masters all, I heartily thank you for your good will; I have attended to your words, and marked well your counsels. And to be plain with you, I find that I have been deceived myself, and am like to deceive a great many of Hadley of their expectation." With that word they all rejoiced. "Yes, Doctor," said the sheriff, "God's blessing on your heart; hold you there still. It is the most comfortable word we have heard you speak yet." The cheerful man then explained himself, "I will tell you how I have been deceived, and, as I think, I shall deceive a great many. I am, as you see, a man of a very large body, which I thought should have been buried in Hadley church-yard, had I died as I hoped I should have done; but herein I was deceived; and there are a great number of worms in Hadley church yard, which would have had merry feeding upon me; but now I know we shall be deceived, both I and they; for this carcass must be burned to ashes, and they shall lose their feast." When the sheriff and his company heard him say so, they were amazed, and looking one on another, marvelled at his constant mind, that thus without fear he could speak of the torment and death now prepared for him.

At Chelmsford he was delivered to the sheriff of Suffolk, and by him conducted to Hadley. On their arrival at Lavenham, the sheriff staid there two days; and thither came to him a great number of gentlemen and justices, who were appointed to aid him. These endeavoured very much to reduce the Doctor to the Romish religion, promising him his pardon, which they said they had for him. They also promised him great promotions, even a bishopric if he would take it: but all their labour and flattery were in vain.

When they came to Hadley, and were passing the bridge, there waited a poor man with five children; who when they saw Dr. Taylor, fell down upon their knees, and holding up their hands, cried with a loud voice--"O dear father and good shepherd! God help and succour thee as thou hast many a time succoured us!" Such witness had the servant of God of his virtuous and charitable life. The streets of Hadley were crowded with men and women of the town and country, who waited to see him; and in beholding him led to death, with weeping eyes and lamenting voices they cried on to another--"Ah, good Lord! there goeth our good shepherd from us, who so faithfully hath taught us, so fatherly hath cared for us, and so godly hath governed us! Good Lord, strengthen and comfort him." Arriving over against the alms-houses, which he well knew, he cast money to the poor people, that remained out of what had been given him in the time of his imprisonment. His living of Hadley they took from him at his first going to prison, so that he was sustained by the charitable alms of good people that visited him.

At the last, coming to Aldham-common, and seeing a great multitude, he asked, "What place is this, and what meaneth it that so much people are gathered hither?" It was answered, "It is Aldham-common, the place where you must suffer; and the people are come to behold you." Then said he, "Thanked be God, I am even at home;" and so alighted from his horse, and with both his hands rent the hood from his head. When the people saw him, they cried, "God save thee, good Dr. Taylor! Jesus Christ strengthen thee and help thee; the Holy Ghost comfort thee:" with such other like godly wishes. Then desired Dr. Taylor license of the sheriff to speak; but he denied it him. Perceiving that he could not be suffered to speak, he sat down, and seeing one named Soyce, he called him, and said--"Soyce, I pray thee come and pull off my boots, and take them for thy labour: thou hast long looked for them, now take them." Then he rose up and put off his clothes unto his shirt, and gave them away. Which done, he said with a loud voice--"Good people, I have taught you nothing but God's holy word, and those lessons that I have taken out of God's blessed book, the Holy Bible: and I am come hither this day, to seal it with my blood."

On hearing his voice, the yeoman of the guard who had used him cruelly all the way, gave him a great stroke upon the head and said--"Is that keeping thy promise, thou heretic?" Then seeing they would not permit him to speak, he kneeled down and prayed, and a poor woman who was among the people stepped in and prayed with him: they endeavoured to thrust her away, and threatened to tread her down with their horses: notwithstanding this she would not remove, but abode and prayed with him. When he had finished his devotions, he went to the stake and kissed it, and set himself into a pitch barrel, which they had brought for him to stand in, and thus stood with his back upright against the stake, with his hands folded together, and his eyes towards heaven, and continually prayed. Then they bound a chain around him, and the sheriff called Richard Donningham, a butcher, and commanded him to set up the fagots; but the man refused, and said--"I am lame, sir, and not able to lift a fagot." The sheriff on this threatened to send him to prison; still he would not do it. The sheriff then compelled several worthless fellows of the multitude to set up the fagots and make the fire, which they most diligently did: and one of them cruelly cast a fagot at the martyr, which struck him on the face, and the blood ran down. He meekly said--"O friend, I have suffering enough, what needed that?"

Sir John Shelton standing by, as Dr. Taylor was speaking, and saying the psalm Miserere in English, struck him on the lips--'You knave," he said, "speak Latin, or I will make thee." At last they kindled the fire; when the martyr, holding up his hands, called upon God, and said, "Merciful Father of heaven, for Jesus Christ my Saviour's sake, receive my soul into thy hands." He then remained still without either crying or moving, with his hands folded together, till Soyce with an halberd struck him on the head so violently, that his brains fell out, and the dead corpse fell down into the fire. Thus rendered he his soul into the hands of his merciful Father, and to his most dear and certain Saviour Jesus Christ, whom he most entirely loved, faithfully and earnestly preached, obediently followed in living, and constantly glorified in death.

These severities were very hateful to the nation. It was observed that in king Edward's time, those that opposed the laws were only turned out of their benefices, and some few of them were imprisoned; but now men were put in prison on trifling pretences, and kept there till laws were made, by which they were condemned merely for their opinions, when they had acted nothing contrary to law. One piece of cruelty was remarkable--when the council sent away those who were to be burnt in the country, they threatened to cut out their tongues if they would not promise to make no speeches to the people; to which they, to avoid that butchery, consented. Those who loved the reformation were now possessed with great aversion to the popish party, and the body of the nation now detested this cruelty, and began to hate king Philip for it. Gardiner and the other counsellors had openly said, that the queen set them on to it, so that the blame of it was laid on the king, the sourness of whose temper, together with his bigotry in matters of religion, made it seem reasonable. He finding that this was likely to raise such prejudices against him as might probably spoil his design of making himself master of England, took care to vindicate himself. Accordingly his confessor, Alphonsus, a Franciscan, preached a sermon at court against taking people's lives for opinions in religion; and inveighed against the bishops for doing it; thus the blame of it was turned back on them, and this made them stop for some weeks; but at last they resolved rather to bear it avowedly, than not advance in their favourite career of blood!

At this time a petition was printed beyond sea, by which the reformers addressed themselves to the queen: they set before her the danger of being carried by a blind zeal to destroy the members of Christ, as St. Paul had done before his conversion: they reminded her of Cranmer's interposing to preserve her life in her father's time: they cited many passages out of the books of Gardiner, Bonner, and Tonstal, by which she might see that they were not actuated by true principles of conscience, but were turned as their fears or interests led them. They shewed her how contrary persecution was to the spirit of the gospel; that Christians tolerated Jews; and that Turks, notwithstanding the barbarity of their tempers, and the cruelty of their religion, yet tolerated Christians. They reminded her, that the first law for burning in England was made by Henry the IV. as a reward to the bishops who had helped him to depose Richard the II. and so to mount the throne. They represented to her, that God had trusted her with the sword, which she ought to employ for the protection of her people, and not to abandon them to the cruelty of wolves. The petition also appealed to the nobility and the rest of the nation, on the dangers of a Spanish yoke, and a bloody inquisition set before them. Upon this the popish authors wrote several books in justification of those proceedings. They observed that the Jews were commanded to put blasphemers to death; and said, the heretics blasphemed the body of Christ, and called it only a piece of bread. Various other pleas were set up, and the nation had bitter experience in the coming years of the vigilance and industry with which they were acted upon.

  

An Account of Several Protestants, Who Were Persecuted, Tormented, and Most of Them Burned, Under the Tyranny of Bonner, Bishop of London.

Stephen Gardiner, having condemned and burned several great and learned men, presumed that these examples would deter all in future from opposing the popish religion: but in this he found himself deceived, for within eight or nine days after sentence had passed against bishop Hooper and others, six other christians were brought to be examined for the same cause. Gardiner seeing this, became discouraged, and from that day meddled no more in such kind of condemnations; but referred the whole of this cruel business to the more sanguinary Bonner, bishop of London; who called before him in his consistory at St. Paul's (the lord mayor and several aldermen sitting with him) the six persons, upon the 8th of February, and on the next day read the sentence of condemnation upon them. But as their death did not take place till the next month, we will defer the account till we come to the time of their suffering, and proceed with other incidents of this bloody reign. What occasioned their execution to be delayed even a month, cannot with certainty be declared; conjecture, however, reasonably ascribes it to the lenient sermon of Alphonsus, the king's confessor: for, added to the discourse already mentioned, he preached other sermons of the same kind, in which he pleaded the cause of reasoning to convert heretics, rather than burning to destroy them.

Dr. Robert Farrar, bishop of St. David's, was about this time appreh